Hi Thomas,
We'd be interested in seeing
older pictures in particular. Genealogy really is a massive project once
you get started. I'm pursuing a couple dozen lines at once. A web page
would be perfect -- and, if we're lucky, it would also attract other
Fe(c)skes that stumble upon it, maybe giving us both some clues. I found
a Hungarian Slovak genealogy online with an Anna Fecske from Bódvavendégi
(born 1878) that married into the family (almost surely your
great-grandfather's sister), and have written to the administrator about
that to see if I can get any more information on the family. Keep me
updated on that when it gets underway, OK?
I've also downloaded two reasonably detailed histories of the Fecskes'
ancestral village of Bódvavendégi/Host’ovce Slovakia
from the internet. One's in Hungarian and one's in Slovak. I intend to
translate (or at least summarize) both when I can find the time, which
is always the issue. My Slovak reading ability is OK, but the Hungarian
is more of a challenge. Anyhow, I'm forwarding both to you just in case
they're of any use to you in the meantime. They mostly say that lots of
Catholic Hungarians lived in the village and that many went to the U.S.
around 1900. :-)
I guess the secret is persistence. And experience; I know which
websites to hang out at, and just plug away with the searches until
something useful floats to the top.
Best wishes from Slovenia,
Don Reindl
History in Hungarian |
Source: Bodnár
Mónika 2002. Etnikai
és felekezeti viszonyok a Felső-Bódva völgyében a
20. században [Ethnic and Religious
Relations in
the Upper Bódva
Valley in the Twentieth
Century] (= Interethnica 1). Komárno: Fórum inštitút, pp. 101–105 (http://mek.niif.hu/01600/01604/01604.pdf)
Vendigi
Kisközség a történeti Torna vármegye felső
járásában, majd 1881 után Abaúj-Torna vármegye
tornai járásában. 1920–38 között, majd 1945 után
Csehszlovákiához csatolták. 1905-ben Bódvavendéginek
nevezték el, de a helyi szóhasználatban
napjainkig megmaradt a Vendégi vagy Vendigi. Szlovák
neve 1948-tól Host’ovce nad Bodvou. 1964-ben Nová
Bodva (Újbódva) néven összevonták a szomszédos
Horvátival és Újfaluval (Seresné 1983, 57; VSOS 2:
329). Napjainkban Szlovákiában a Kassa vidéki járásban
található. 1990 óta ismét önálló. Az 1773. évi
helységnévtár parókiával nem rendelkező magyar
faluként említi Vendigit (Lexicon Locorum 1920, 271),
bár egykori vendigi lelkészek feljegyzéseiből úgy
tudjuk, hogy templomuktól és iskolájuktól ...a
vendigii Reformatusok megfosztattak a régi időkben,
akkoron t. i. mikor ebben a nemes Torna megyében – a
mi Eklezsiaink nagy változást szennyvedtek –
Templomot elvétettek ... Tehát az ellenreformáció
korában Vendigi elveszítette anyaegyház mivoltát, s
a lenkei (Bódvalenke) anyaegyházhoz csatolták. Oda
tartozott egészen 1792-ig, amikor a Hernádbüdön
tartott papi konferencián a vendigi és ardai (Hidvégardó)
filiák a lenkei anyaegyháztól elváltak. Ekkor lett
Vendigi ismét anyaegyház, ...mivel ott már az
Oratorium és a Parokiális ház is készen volt. Ebből következik, hogy a reformáció
tanai itt is korán megjelentek és széles körben
elterjedtek, ám az ellenreformáció hatása is jelentősen
érvényesült. Egy 1806. évi egyházmegyei összeírásból
tudjuk, hogy a református lelkész helyben lakott, de a
reformátusok mellett római katolikusok és 12 görög
katolikus is élt a faluban. Ez utóbbiak prédikációs
nyelve a ruszin volt, s a horváti görög katolikus
anyaegyházhoz tartoztak (Udvari 1990, 87). Fényes Elek
a következőképpen írta le Vendigit: ...magyar
falu, a Bódva mellett, Tornához dél-nyugotra 1/2 órányira:
160 kath., 345 ref. lak. Ref. anyaszentegyház (Fényes
1851, IV: 290). Látjuk tehát, hogy a falu lakosságának
nagyobbik fele, több mint kétharmad része református
volt. A Borovszky-féle vármegye-monográfiában a
felekezeti megoszlás adatai nem szerepelnek, csak azt
tudhatjuk meg, hogy a századforduló előtti években
352 magyar lakosa volt (Borovszky–Sziklay 1896, 306).
A 20. század harmincas éveinek végén 419-en éltek a
faluban, akik 3 kivételével mind magyarok voltak. A
felekezeti megoszlást tekintve pedig 245 volt a
reformátusok,
164 a római katolikusok, 6 a görög katolikusok, 2 az
evangélikusok és 2 az izraeliták száma (Csíkvári
1939, 170). Az 1940. évi egyházlátogatási jegyzőkönyv
18. pontjának „megjegyzés“ rovatából tudjuk,
hogy az állami iskola tanítója volt evangélikus vallású.
Izraelitákra a 40-es években nem emlékeznek, valószínűleg
rövid ideig éltek csak Vendigiben. Azt viszont többen
is állítják, hogy a század elején éltek itt
zsidók,
temetőjük is volt a faluban, de ma már ez nincs meg.
Az amerikai kivándorlás nagyon elterjedt volt a
faluban. A Borovszky-féle vármegye- monográfia is
azon települések közé sorolta, ahol 1880–1890 között
szembeötlő mértékű volt a lakosság számának apadása
(Borovszky–Sziklay 1896, 368). A kivándorlási kedv a
későbbiekben sem hagyott alább, ennek fényes bizonyítékai
a presbitériumi jegyzőkönyvek, amelyek az 1889–1914
közötti években arról tanúskodnak, hogy az egyházközség
működése nehézkes volt, a presbiterek és egyházfiak
választása komoly problémát jelentett a gyakori kivándorlások
miatt.
Ám emellett azt is el kell mondani, hogy az amerikások
segítettek is egyházuknak, erről is tanúskodik az
egyházi irattár.
Kalydy Miklós feljegyzéseiből tudjuk, hogy a
vendigiek közül három család kivételével mindenki
járt Amerikában.
Voltak, akik végleg kinnmaradtak, de a legtöbben néhány
év után hazatértek. A férfiak zöme bányában
dolgozott, ám nemcsak férfiak, gyakran fiatal lányok
is szerencsét próbáltak. Volt aki háromszor is megjárta
Amerikát. Akik hazatértek, az összegyűjtött pénzből
általában földet vásároltak.
A második világháború utáni deportálások ezt a
falut elkerülték. Oroszországi kényszermunkára az
ittenieket nem vitték.
Ezt a helybéliek azzal magyarázzák, hogy a
faluban működő malomban szükség volt minden munkaerőre.
Csehországba sem deportáltak senkit, de a fiatalok közül
többen is elmentek munkát keresni. Néhányan ott is
maradtak. A magyarországi kitelepítés annyiban érintette
a falut, hogy több családot is szántak erre a sorsra,
akik kaptak úgynevezett fehér levelet, ám végül
mindnyájan maradhattak.
Lelkészüknek viszont menni kellett, ekkor telepítették
át Kalydy Miklós református lelkészt és családját.
Előbb csak a szomszéd faluba, Ardóba, ahol az iskolában
voltak elszállásolva. Kalydyékat teljesen váratlanul
érte a kitelepítés, éppen meszeltek, amikor megtudták,
hogy menniük kell, 50 kg-os csomagot vihettek magukkal.
Az ezt követő hetekben az egész falu, reformátusok,
katolikusok egyformán, folyamatosan csempészték át részükre
a szükséges holmikat, ágyat, ágyneműt stb. A
vendigiek napjainkban is tartják a kapcsolatot a családdal,
s ha valaki meglátogatja őket, mindenkiről, az egész
faluról érdeklődnek, nemcsak a reformátusokról. Ezt
annak bizonyságául mesélik, hogy itt nincsenek vallási
ellentétek. Az egyházi irattár tanúsága szerint
ugyan olykor kisebb összetűzésekre sor került a
katolikusok és reformátusok között, de mindig sikerült
megoldani a problémákat, azok soha nem fajultak el.
Napjainkra gyakoriakká váltak a vallási értelemben
vett vegyes házasságok, szinte már nincs is tiszta
református vagy tiszta katolikus család a faluban.
Vendigiben két templom van, a református II. József
Türelmi Rendelete után, 1787-ben épült a régi
harangláb helyén (Kováts 1942, II. 539). A katolikus
templom 1815-ben épült. A vendigi katolikus közösség
a második világháborút követő évekig az ardai
anyaegyház filiáját alkotta, de a határok meghúzása
végett kényszerűségből ezen változtatni kellett,
ma Újfaluhoz tartozik.
Az 1991. évi népszámlálás adatai szerint a
falu lakosságának vallási megoszlása a következőképpen
alakult: 124 volt a római katolikusok, 101 a reformátusok,
4 az evangélikusok száma, 1 görög katolikust írtak
össze, 5-en nem vallották magukat hívőnek, 6 esetben
pedig a vallási hovatartozás nem volt megállapítható.
Nemzetiségi összetételét tekintve az 1991. évi
adatok szerint a 241 lakosból 236 vallotta magát
magyarnak, 5 pedig szlováknak. Az 1993. évi adatok
szerint 226 magyart, 1 szlovákot, 1 sziléziait és 2
cigányt említenek. Ezek az adatok közel állnak a valósághoz,
ám mégsem fedik azt teljesen. A szlovákok számát
illetően nincs eltérés, egy-két szlovák menyecskét
tart számon a falu. Viszont a jelzettnél magasabb a
cigányok aránya, egyes becslések szerint 26 fő. Mind
rendesek, befogadta őket a falu. Vegyes házasságban
élnek a magyarokkal, akik általában környékbeliek.
Régen is éltek itt cigányok, a most itt élők
is az ő leszármazottaik. 1946-ban az egyik cigány
család félelmében elmenekült Magyarországra. A meglévő
cigányösszeírások is bizonyítják, hogy a megelőző
korokban is éltek Vendigiben cigányok. Az 1768. március
20-i összeírásban ugyan Vendigi nem szerepel, de egy
másik 1768-as összeírás szerint Gasparus Kuru nevű
mester élt a faluban. 1773-ban már két családot –
Gasparus Sándor és Gasparus Nanu – írtak öszsze,
mindketten mesterek voltak, de az utóbbi zenéléssel
is foglalkozott. Az 1854. évi összeírásban négy
családot említettek – Orgovány Zsiga (4 fő) éjjeli
őr, lúd pásztor; Orgovány József (1 fő) féllábú
katona; Orgovány Ferenc (2 fő) muzsikus; Samu Gábor
(3 fő) aprólékos munkás – útlevele egyiknek
sincs, és egyik sem kereskedik. A református egyház számtartókönyvében
is találunk rájuk utaló bejegyzéseket: 1818. október
14. Mikor a templom tetejét állítottuk, a klammerért
az ide való czigánynak fizettem ... –12; 1819. október
23. Sándor czigánynak 21 spernát szögért fizettem.
Vendigiben napjainkban a lakosok száma alig
haladja meg a kétszázat. Óvoda, iskola kb. húsz éve
nincs a faluban, amióta egyesítették a vendigi, horváti
és újfalusi intézményeket. Óvodába Újfaluba járnak,
autóbusz szállítja őket. Iskolába szintén Újfaluba
vagy Tornára utaznak. A mintegy húsz tanköteles
gyerek közül kb. öten járnak szlovák iskolába, a többi
magyarba. A faluban a magyar nyelvhasználat a jellemző
minden családban. Vendigi elöregedő falu, sokáig nem
volt lehetőség az építkezésre, ezért a fiatalok
legtöbbje elköltözött Szepsibe vagy Tornára.
Illés Dániel vendigi református prédikátor erre vonatkozó feljegyzései
1792-ből a vendigi református egyház irattárában
találhatók. A Sárospataki Egyháztörténeti Gyűjteményben
a vendigi református egyház történetére
vonatkozó adalékok Benkő Gáspár ev. ref. lelkésztől
1879. évből. Itt mondok köszönetet Pocsai
Eszternek, a gyűjtemény vezetőjének munkámhoz
nyújtott segítségéért.
Kifogásolandó az állami iskola evangélikus vallású tanítója és az
egyház közötti viszony. Megkeresendő a tanfelügyelőség,
hogy a ref. gyermekeknek az istentiszteletre való
felvezetése tétessék a tanító kötelességévé.
Kérelemmel kell fordulnia V. és K. Minisztériumhoz,
hogy az evangélikus férfi tanerő cseréltessék
ki reformátussal, ki a kántori teendőket is ellátná.
Egyházlátogatási jegyzőkönyv 1940. Vendigi
református egyházi irattár.
Zsidók a negyvenes években az én emlékezetem szerint nem éltek itt. De
korábban voltak. Édesapámék Siegel nevű családot
emlegettek. Volt itt zsidótemető is, de már nincs,
széthordták a márványt (Adatközlő: Balázs Irén,
sz. 1928).
Illusztrációként álljon itt néhány idézet:
1889. szeptember
25.: Nagy Sándor lelkész jelenti, hogy Zsóka
István gondnok minden szó nélkül itt hagyta az
egyházat s elköltözött Amerikába, felhívja a közgyűlést,
hogy miután gondnok választás válván szükségessé,
olyan gondnokot válasszanak, aki nem költözik ki
Amerikába, nehogy az egyház annak legyen kitéve,
hogy minden esztendőben új gondnokot válasszon.
1900. november
11.: Lelkész elnök felhívja a közgyűlést,
hogy ...Olasz Ferenc gondnok lemondása és Amerikába
távozása miatt ..., úgyszintén az Amerikába távozott
Balázs Ferenc lemondásával megüresedett másik
presbiteri állásra ...alkalmas egyéneket válasszon.
1903. január 2.:
Lelkész előadja, hogy a 15 éven felüli ifjak
a vasárnapi tanításért járó egy napszám munkát
vagy a lelkész fájának az udvaron való felvágását
az Amerikába való vándorlás miatt beállt munkáshiány
miatt nem teljesítik, s a lelkész drága pénzen kénytelen
a favágást eszközöltetni.
1904. március
5.: Ambrus János lelkész jelenti, hogy ifjú Cséplő
Ferenc az egyházfi szolgálatot ...útban lévén
Amerika felé nem fogadhatja el.
1912. július
21.: ...a presbitérium egy tagja Amerikába távozván,
helye betöltendő.
1914. június
14.: Lelkész előadja, hogy miután Mató István
egyházfi Amerikába távozott, új egyházfit kell
választani.
Presbitériumi jegyzőkönyvek I-II. Vendigi református egyházi irattár.
Az én tudomásom szerint a negyvenes években nem éltek itt zsidók. Zsidótemető
volt, nem nagy, vagy 12 sír volt benne (Adatközlő:
Szabóné Mázik Mária, sz. 1943 – tanítónő).
Az 1914. évi vagyonleltárban és az 1940. évi vagyontörzskönyvben
olvasható:
1 db úrasztali piros posztókendő (keresztelésre) - Amerikai Balázs István
emléke, 1902.
Presbitériumi jegyzőkönyv, 1903. november 29.: Lelkész jelenti, hogy
Szabó József Amerikából a lelkész által könyöradomány
gyűjtése céljából kiadott könyvre 461 korona
gyűjtött pénzt küldött.
1907. augusztus
4.: Olvastatik Bene István és Bene Ferenc
Amerikában tartózkodó híveinknek lelkésznek írott
szép levelük, melyben írják, miszerint
hallották,
hogy egyházunk orgonát építtetni szándékozik,
ők ugymond – e szándéknak a messzi távolban is
nagyon örülnek, s hogy örömüknek tettel is
kefejezést adjanak, gyűjtőkönyvet kérnek,
igérvén,
hogy tekintélyes összeget fognak e célra
gyűjteni.
A templomfelújításról szóló 1908.
november 29-i jegyzőkönyvből tudjuk, hogy az
orgona el is készült Ország Sándor rákospalotai
orgonaépítő által.
1923. november
24.: Lelkész előadja, hogy 2 évvel ezelőtt gyűjtőíveket
küldött Amerikába, amelynek eredménye a következő:
Balázs Gyula gyűjtött 1200 koronát, Zsóka
Ferenc 2000 koronát, Domonkos József 933 koronát
...
Bódvavendégiben 1941. július 27 – 1945. május 11-ig. Írta Kalydy
Miklós kiutasított lelkipásztor. Kézirat a Sárospataki
Kollégium Levéltárában. A kéziratot
kijegyzetelte 1978. szeptemberében Balázs Bálint,
akinek munkám során nyújtott segítségét ezúton
is köszönöm.
Adatközlők: Balázs Irén 1928., Szabóné Mázik Mária 1943., Balázs Bálint
1951. Balázs Bálint a szájhagyomány útján
megismert eseményeket novellisztikus formában
feldolgozta, megírta.
Mi is közéjük tartoztunk, de elszöktünk. Két napig tartott, közben
lefújták a kitelepítést. Vagy hat ilyen család
volt a faluban (Adatközlő: Szabóné Mázik Mária,
sz. 1943).
|
|
Additional
Fecske Information from Don Reindl
Grave
Search Results
9/5/2011
Search
for "Fecske" at Ancestry.com
http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gsr&GSfn=&GSmn=&GSln=Fecske&GSbyrel=all&GSby=&GSdyrel=all&GSdy=&GScntry=4&GSst=16&GScnty=705&GSgrid=&df=all&GSob=n
|
Fecske,
Anna Labuda
66979468
b. Dec. 8, 1879 d.
Mar. 10, 1953 |
Holy
Sepulchre Cemetery
Alsip
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
Fecske,
Barbara Kohl
66979146
b. Jul. 23, 1893 d.
Jan., 1978 |
Assumption
Catholic Cemet...
Glenwood
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
Fecske,
Ferencz
66979267
b. Dec. 29, 1890 d.
Jul., 1961 |
Assumption
Catholic Cemet...
Glenwood
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
Fecske,
Frank
66980158
b. unknown d. Nov.
9, 1913 |
Mount
Olivet Catholic Cem...
Chicago
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
Fecske,
Irene
66847371
b. Mar. 29, 1919 d.
Nov. 18, 1922 |
Mount
Olivet Catholic Cem...
Chicago
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
Fecske,
Joseph
66979520
b. Jan. 1, 1877 d.
Oct. 30, 1954 |
Holy
Sepulchre Cemetery
Alsip
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
Fecske,
Joseph C.
66979357
b. Mar. 29, 1907 d.
Feb., 1983 |
Assumption
Catholic Cemet...
Glenwood
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
Fecske,
Louis Edward
66978515
b. Dec. 6, 1930 d.
Dec. 9, 1930 |
Mount
Olivet Catholic Cem...
Chicago
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
Fecske,
Rose
67065985
b. Mar. 8, 1916 d.
Sep. 26, 1999 |
Saint
Mary Catholic Cemet...
Evergreen Park
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
Fecske,
William
67065941
b. Jul. 28, 1920 d.
Oct. 31, 1987 |
Saint
Mary Catholic Cemet...
Evergreen Park
Cook County
Illinois, USA |
|
|
|
History in Slovak |
KRÁTKA HISTÓRIA OBCE
Source: http://www.leader.rramoldava.sk/LEADER/HOSTOVCE/O3.htm
Územie
regiónu obývané od doby kamennej bolo križovatkou
obchodných ciest najmä z Dolnej zeme smerom na Spiš a
Poľsko. Od 13. storočia obec patrila do
Turnianskej stolice , neskôr župy až do roku 1848 keď
sa vytvorila
Abovsko-turnianska župa. Obec bola súčasťu
okresu Turňa Od roku 1923 patrila obec do dnes už
neexistujúceho okresu Moldava, ktorý bol v roku 1960
pričlenený k okresu Košice. Z okresu Košice sa v
roku 1968 vyčlenil okres Košice-vidiek , dnes
Košice-okolie.
V súčasnosti
obec patrí do okresu Košice-okolie, Košický samosprávyn
kraj. Je členom mikroregionálneho združenia obcí
- Združení Miest a obcí Údolia Bodvy s centrom v
Moldave nad Bodvou a Združenia miest a obcí Košice-okolie.
Prvá
písomna zmienka o obci je z roku 1263, keď je meno
obce zapísané ako villa Wendegy, vtedy ostihomský
arcibiskup prepustil desiatky z Torny a Vendégi, vtedy
tunajším farárom. Je teda zrejme, že obec bola už v
tom čase rozvinutou dedinou. Ale jej založenie je
staršie. Obec bola založená na území patriacom
Turnianskému hradu a v listine z 31.mája 1243 kráľ
Béla IV. oslobodil hosťov (vendég) bývajúcich v
Olassy de Tornava a udelil im privilégia. Smeli si
slobodne voliť richtára (villicus), ktorý mal súdiť
podľa zvyklosti hosťov. Dostali voľnú
ruku na udržovanie svojich zvyklostí a vymáhanie kráľovských
daní v takej výške, ako to bolo určené kráľom
Kalmánom určený, inak bratom Bélu IV. Táto
listina sa vzťahuje na dnešnú obec Hosťovce
a nie na Spišský Vlachov, ako sa donedávna domievalo.
Podľa legendy kráľ Béla IV. roku 1242 sa istý
čas zdržiaval v tomto kraji, býval v obciach
Gorgo (Hrhov) a Udvarnok (Dvorníky), včelárstvo
mal v Szádello (Zádiel) a Méhesz (Včeláre). V
našej obcivraj stála drevená krčma- hostinec, pre kráľa a jeho hostí,
kde ho tunajší obyvatelia vždy pohostili a kráľ
sem rád chodil. Odtiaľ meno obce. Inak po kráľovi
Bélovi IV. sa v okolí zachovalo množstvo legiend oa
pamätnných miest. Spočiatku boli dediny obce
zviazané s turianským domíniom a až po dostavbe
hradu Szádvár (v chotári obce Szogliget v Maďarsku)
sa stáva jeho majetkom. Hrad Szárvád bol postavený
po tatárskom vpáde (1241- 1242), ale prvýkrát je
doložený až v roku 1268 v listine podpísanej kráľom
Istvánom V. Podľa nej Tekusov súrodenec Bács
vydal hrad nepriateľom kráľa. Na konci 13
storočia hrad bol majetkom rodín Sziniovcov,
Szalonnaiovcova Jósvafoiovcov. Neskôr ho kráľ László
IV. či András III.vymenil za iné hrady. Kráľ
Károly Róbert hrad roku 1330 daroval svojím obľubencom,
jemu oddanej rodine Drugethovcov. Roku 1415 Szádvár
prešiel do rúk rodiny Bebekovcov (Pelsoczi) a tým aj
obec Bódvavendégi.
Okolo roku 1430 v obci žilo približne 480-500 obyvateľov(bolo
tu 30 port). V polovici 15 storočia hrad a panstvo
obsadili husiti, teda aj obyvatelia našej obce poznali
ukrutnosti tohto povstaleckého vojska. Ale roku 1454
ich vodca Péter Komorovsky ho vrátil Bebekovcom. Nakoľko
syn Imre Bebeka Pál zomrel bez potomka hradný majetok
Szádvár delila Obec od 13 storočia bola majetkom
mocného rodu Abovcov, ktorý v župe vlastnil rozsiahle
majetky. Neskôr bol tu zemepánom rod Bebekovcov. Vývoj
počtu obyvateľov roku 1939 -419 obyv. 1999-
208 obyvateľov, z ktorých je 97,51% maďarskej
národnosti. Žil a pracoval tu známy drevorezbár Ján
Béreš, vyrábal drobné malé náradie poľnohospodárske
potreby, mal aj výstavu. Dnes sú tieto výrobky vyložené
v Moldave nad Bodvou na mestkom úrade.Charakteristické
pre túto obec z minulosti je poľnohospodárstvo. K
dispozicí je kronika z roku 1947, mapy, staré
fotografie. Historické známe osobnosti pochádzajúce
z tejto obce: Fecske
Štefan profesor teológie, Ing. Vareš jozef profesor
strednej priemiselnej školy, Šolc Gejza mlynár, Béreš
Gábor farár. Nacházda sa tu reformovaný kostol z
roku 1787. V obci sa dodnes zachoval vodný mlyn, ktorý
slúžil obyvateľom celého údolia Bodvy.
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New Information found by TCT October 3,
2011
trying to find
information on heritage Anna (Hoyer?)(Samko) Hegedus
Also, Labuda and
Fescke's came from this same area.
http://carpathiangerman.com/zipsancestry.htm
Carpathian
German Homepage
http://carpathiangerman.com/zipsancestry.htm |
MY ANCESTORS FROM THE ZIPS
A. WHERE IS ZIPS COUNTY
The ancestors of my mother's father came exclusively from
two small German towns in the Zips, Eisdorf and Zipser Bela.
This is a general introduction to the history and the customs of
the native Germans of the Zips. For the history of these two
towns, click:
Zips County (in Magyar Szepes Megye, slovakian S^pis), is in the
North-East of today's Slovak Republic. It is a high plateau
surrounded by Carpathians and the High Tatra, the Branisko chain
to the East and the Goellnitzer Erzgebirge to the South. The
main rivers are the Popper, Kundert (Hernad in Slovakian),
Goellnitz and Dunajetz. The village of Eisdorf in the Zips,
(Hungarian Iszakfalva or Zszakocz, Slovakian Zakovce in Spis),
all three meaning village of Isaac, probably the founder, but in
the 20th century often taken to mean "ice village," a
pun I often heard as a child from relatives who told me in the
village "nine months its winter there, the other three
months just cold") , is a small village about 8 km (or
5 miles) from the provincial center of Kaesmark (also spelled
Kesmark). The name of that city comes probably from old South
German Kes, meaning glacial, because set near mountains, and not
from cheese market (Kaese Markt). But one does not know for
certain and there are two interpretations. The Zips was
connected to the main agricultural area along the Gran through
the Kundert River. Eisdorf lies in a small wedge protected
(relatively speaking) against the icy winds from the Tatra
Mountains. It is one of the few Zips vilages without access to a
river, only a small brook crosses the village. Most of the
drinking water had to be taken from wells.
B. HISTORY OF ZIPS COUNTY
1. Prehistory to the Coming of Magyars and Slovaks:
The history of the Zips is hidden in the mist of time. There are
traces of people who lived there in the stone and the
bronze-ages. The first people of whom we know the names were the
Kotiner, who were Iberians. In the fifth century B.C. the Celts
conquered the area, and over time assimilated the conquered,
including the Kotiner. In the first century B.C. smaller German
tribes settled in the Zips, notably Sidonians, Naristians and
Buren. They had settlements on the sites of the future Kesmark
and Grossschlagendorf, notably. After the much larger German
tribes of the Quaden and Markomannen followed, the entire area
of today's Slovakia became Germanic. The Markomannen and Quaden
were often at war with the Roman Empire, and since Germans did
not yet use writing save for runes for short messages, all we
know about them was written by their Roman enemies. Rev. Rainer
Rudolf notes that surviving old charts from Neuendorf up to the
14th century name a small group of people living in an isolated
spot in the Goellnitz valley , the Chodener, who are
called neither Germans, Slavs nor Magyars. They probably were
the last remnants of the old Kotiner, who, though not using
their own Iberian language since over 1500 years, still were
dimly conscious of their tribal identity. Then they vanished,
assimilated by the surrounding peasantry. The Quaden were
virtually destroyed by the Romans in the late 4th century C.E.
Their remnants fled to the Zips fastness, and left with the
Langobarden, who were travelling through from the upper Vistula,
to conquer Northern Italy (Lombardy, the Land of the Langobards)
in 568 C.E. In 2005, the nearly intact grave of a germanic
chieftain from the early 5th century was found on the site of an
industrial park in Matzdorf, as reported by the Slovak
Spectator on November 6, 2006.
The situation after 568 C.E. is quite contentious among
modern historians. For some, the area was empty, a res
nullius, and hence its sole legitimate possessors are the
Slavic tribes that followed after the Germans left. But
archaeological finds--important for the centuries when few
written records were created, and even fewer survived--and the
transmission of Germanic place names, show that several thousand
Germans remained. But they were likely assimilated by the Slavs
over the next three centuries, when the area payed tribute to
the Turkic Avars. The Avars were beaten by the Frankish Empire
of Karl der Grosse (Charlemagne) in the Awar Wars from 791 and
803 C.E. As noted by Pater Rainer Rudolf in Zipser Land und
Leute, to secure the area, the Franks founded several
castles and villages in the Zips, notably on the site of
Arnoldsdorf (slv. Arnutovce) and Toppertz (from Theudeberts),
Mengsdorf and Lautschburg. From what is known from other Eastern
areas with Frankish border defense villages, these were
inhabited not only by German soldier-farmers, but by
Christianized Slavs as well. After the 9th century, very little
is known about the Zips for the next two centuries. Wild Magyar
horsemen tumbled down the Carpathian passes in the late 9th
century and conquered an area even larger than the Avar Empire:
The great Pannonian plain, and the mountains around it, from
Croatia in the South to Upper Hungary (future Slovakia) in the
North and Transylvania in the East.
In 907 the Magyars beat the German army decisively. In 991,
the Bavarian duke Heinrich der Zaenker (the quarrelsome)
destroyed the Magyar army. In between, the few German villages
left by the Carolingians in the 9th century may or may not have
perished. No document telling us survived. After the Magyars
became Christians, they wanted to develop their kingdom into a
modern state. But they were few in numbers. Their slavic
bondsmen were not numerous either after 4 centuries of constant
warfare. And neither group was accustomed to live in cities, nor
experienced in crafts and mining. The Magyars did not
effectively incorporate the Zips till the mid-11th century, when
they built their Gyepü (border stripes) settlements for border
soldiers (landzsasok) , and the North only in the late 12th. .
2. The First German Settlers: In old Hungary, save for
a small area of "clan land" taken by the seven Magyar
clans at the time of conquest, the king not just ruled, but
actually also owned the kingdom. Most of it was unsettled in the
early middle ages, (the entire population of the Hungarian
kingdom is estimated at 200,000 souls in the 10th century).
Subjects on that land, whether nobles or non-nobles, only
"owned" the hereditary right to use a certain
piece of land, subject to annual payments, or military service
in the case of tax-exempt nobles. The king could either remain
the direct lord of a settled area, which then was a "crown
land," and the peasants would pay to him the taxes owed to
him as king plus the rent owed to him as lord for the right to
till the land. Or he could assign his ownership rights rights to
a noble, to whom the peasants then owed the rent for the right
to till the soil. In exchange, the nobleman owed military
service and had to do all the administrative work for the king
for that area. In principle, he also owed the peasants, whether
serfs or free, maintenance in case of famine and protection from
outside enemies. To transform the forest into tax-producing
farms, the Hungarian kings distributed much land to nobles, who
then tried to get settlers. Some areas became royal cities (koenigliche
Freistaedte) that is received charters giving them autonomy and
putting them forever under direct royal rule. Most cities had
lesser rights--generally they were autonomous in their
administration, their burghers were not serfs, but often they
were subjected to the obligation to pay rent to nobles for the
land they used. There was no uniform code of laws then, and each
group of city-founders was able to negotiate more or less rights
for their city.
Well documented is the settlement of Germans in the Zips
County (Szepes Megye) during the reign of Geza II (r. 1142-1161)
and especially Andreas II (r. 1204-1235). In contrast to the
Germans of the Hauerland and Pressburg, whose dialect points to
bavarian-franconian origins, the Upper Zipser dialect points to
Northwest Germans (Lower Rhineland, Flanders) but who had
settled first in neighboring Silesia. In specific cases,
settlers came from other German areas as well, as in Eisdorf,
whose inhabitants were brought from the Eisacktal in South Tyrol
by their Lord, Bishop Ekbert of Andechs-Meran, who owned land in
South Tyrol and in the Zips. He also brought settlers from his
lands around Bamberg, whose bishop he was, such as to the lower
Zips, the Zipser Gruende, where the children of the Upper Zips
Germans intermingled with the Bavarian-Franconian miners. The
dialect of the Lower Zips is quite different from that of the
Upper Zips, while the area around Lublau, including Hopgarten,
spoke a Silesian German dialect. Their villages had been settled
by the Piasts from Krakau in Poland, until the border was set.
In the Zips, the first great landholder known to posterity
was the above-named Ekbert of Andechs-Meran. His sister Gertrud
was the wife of King Andreas II. Ekbert received from the king a
large chunk of the Zips around Gross-Lomnitz and Eisdorf. Ekbert
then granted the land to the Zipser abbot Adolf, whose sister
was married with the knight Rutker von Matrei, the ancestor of
the noble houses of Berzeviczy and Tharczay. The Berczeviczy
family received from the king further lands in the Zips and
founded the villages of Bierbrunn, Landeck, Altendorf,
Katzwinkel and many others. By 1241, about 4,000 people lived in
the Zips, mainly German settlers, plus about 1,000 Magyar border
guards and their Slovak bondsmen. The Mongol invasion of 1241 (Mongolensturm)
destroyed most of the settlements, German and Magyar, as well
archives. In the Zips, a century of work was destroyed, and
about half of the people killed by the Mongols. The others
survived a heroic siege on the Zufluchtsstein (Stone of Refuge,
Lapis Refugii), a fortified mountain plateau near Gross-Schlagendorf,
under their commander Jordan von Gargau, ancestor of the locally
important noble family of Görgey.
By now, the Kings of Hungary were more interested in making
this important border area well-populated. Slovak peasants were
settled from the neighboring Komitats. So were many new German
settlers, called by King Bela IV (r. 1235-1270). Together with
the survivors, they rebuilt the cities and villages. Having
performed heroically during the Mongol invasion, Jordan received
the old Carolingian village of Toppertz as seat, and went on to
found in the 13th century Malthern, Schoenwald, Kreig,
Scheuerberg, and Bauschendorf, as well as the mixed
Slavic-German village of Windschendorf (windisch=Slavic) .
Hungary was divided in counties, administered by a Gespann
and a county legislature made up of the local nobles. In 1271,
24 German cities of the Zips were consolidated into a German
autonomous area, the Zipser Staedtebund (city league) within the
Zips county, which remained autonomous till 1876 from the royal
county administration of Zips Megye, to which it continued to
belong otherwise. In that area of the Zips, the king remained
Lord, or had become Lord again in the troubled time after the
Mongol invasion. The Federation, for the annual payment of 300
Marks (one mark was about a half-pound) of pure silver and 50
soldiers, plus free food for the king and his court should they
visit, was freed from further financial obligations towards the
king--but not the nobles if their land was on land that was part
of a noble estate. The original 24 cities owed no rent to area
nobles. An important concession was that the governor of the
autonomous area, the Zipser Staedtebund, the count of the Zips,
(Zipser Graf), was not appointed by the king but elected for
life by an assembly of county notables, city mayors and priests.
The name remained though their number (including larger
villages) grew to 43 by 1312, some of which were on noble land.
Kesmark left the Bund in 1350, when it became a royal free city.
The rights of these cities were codified in the "Zipser
Willkür" in 1370 by king Ludwig I.
As a result, the county of the Zips, after its borders were
set in the 14th century having 3,605 km2 (1,442 sq. miles), was
split into several distinct administrative areas. These were the
self-governing Lanzentraeger villages, 10 of them (with 29
hamlets), with its Magyar nobles, the royal free cities of
Leutschau and Kesmark, and the the Saxon province with its 24
cities (of which 13 where mortgaged to Poland from 1412-1772).
The Lanzenträger lost their autonomie in 1804, the Zipser
cities in 1802, and the two royal free cities in 1876.
The original 24 cities of the Zipser Städtebund were Zipser
Bela, Leibitz, Menhard, Georgenberg, Deutschendorf, Michelsdorf,
Wallendorf, Zipser Neudorf, Rissdorf, Felka, Kirchdrauf,
Matzdorf, Durlsdorf (these 13 cities were mortgaged to Poland
from 1412-1772), Muehlenbach, Gross-Schlagendorf, Eisdorf,
Donnersmark, Schmoegen, Sperndorf, Kabsdorf, Kirn, Palmsdorf,
Eulenbach, and Dirn. In addition, there were five free royal
cities, Leutschau, Zeben, Bartfeld, Eperies, Kaschau, joined in
1350 by Kesmark. In the Southern Zips, seven German cities
formed the "Sieben Oberungarische Bergstädte" (Seven
Upper Hungarian Mining Towns' League), that is Zipser Neudorf,
(which also belonged to the 24-City League), Goellnitz,
Schmoellnitz, Rosenau, Jossau, Rudau and Telken.
Only about half of Zips county belonged to the Zipser Town
Federation. The other half, inhabited by Magyars, Germans and
Slovaks, on land either still owned directly by the king, or on
land granted to nobles or to cloisters (such as Schwenik),
remained under the standard county administration, paying taxes
to the king plus rent in cash and kind to the feudal lord who
had received manorial rights to an estate from the king. But in
1412, king Sigismund needed a large amount of cash quickly, and
borrowed it from the king of Poland. The loan was secured by
mortgaging the tax income of 13 of the 24 members of the Zipser
Städte Bund, including Zipser Bela, and the three cities
belonging to the royal estate of Alt-Lublau (Alt-Lublau, Pudlein
and Kniesen; these were old German cities but rather assimilated
by Slavs by the 15th century). The mortgaged cities legally
continued to belong to Hungary, but were administered by Polish
officials headquartered in the castle of Alt-Lublau. The Polish
administration lasted till 1772. The legal status of the cities
mortgaged to the Polish king remained "frozen" as it
was in 1412; they remained free from feudal dues to a lord. But
this mortgaging weakened the power of the 11 remaining Zipser
cities. In 1465, the king made the office of county head (Obergespann)
hereditary in certain families, in the Zips to the Zapolya,
followed by the Thurzo in 1536, and the Csaky in 1636. This did
not make the royal domains administered by that family their
property, unlike the holdings they had received as estate, but
in practice, the distinction between the two eroded. While at
first, taxes remained the same, they soon were hiked
arbitrarily. The 11 towns impovertished. When the 13 cities and
the 3 cities of the estate of Alt-Lublau were redeemed in 1772,
they could not be reunified anylonger with their 11 sister
cities because their legal and economic status was now so
different. Rather, the 16 mortgaged cities became a new Bund der
16 Zipser Städte, till its autonomy was abolished in 1876.
In 1526, the Hungarian army was destroyed at Mohacs, and its
king died on the battlefield, betrayed by the selfish nobles who
opposed his plans to streamline administration and curtail their
powers. The Hungarian capital was moved to Pressburg. The
hungarian nobles then elected the Habsburgs, who were dukes of
Austria and other territories, as well as elected Emperors of
Germany, also hereditary kings of Hungary.
3. Lost of Majority due to War and the Plague: The
German majority declined proportionally to Slavic inhabitants
beginning with the 15th century. There was the devastation left
by the Czech Hussites in the 15th century, the Turkish border
warfare in the 16th and 17th centuries, religious strife between
Protestants and the Catholic monarch (who were Emperors as
Emperors of Germany--there was no Emperor of Austria until
1803--and kings of Hungary), and the civil wars between pro- and
anti-Habsburg nobles. The latter had religious overtones as
well, since the anti-Habsburg forces were often Calvinists and
prepared to tolerate Lutherans (usually Carpathian Germans)
while the armies of the German--but more importantly, Catholic--
monarch, killed them as heretics. In 1606, the Emperor-King
allowed religious freedom to Protestants, but this promise was
not respected by his sharply Catholic successors. This, together
with other issues, led to uprisings led by mainly Calvinist
noblemen, with the support of the Lutheran German cities--with
the Turks always looming in the background. After an uprising by
Emmerich Thököly, Emperor Leopold I granted in 1681 at the
Landtag of Oedenburg a limited religious toleration. Protestants
as such were allowed to exist. But they were discriminated in
their right to hold public office, and could have only 2
churches per county (the so-called Articularkirchen, from
article 26 of the Treaty). These had to be entirely from wood
(even no nails allowed) and outside the city walls,
too--probably so that the Turks could burn them easily during
raids. There was a last, terrible convulsion in the area from
1683 to 1711. In 1683, the Turkish army laid siege to Vienna,
was beaten back with enormous loss of life, and by 1699 forced
out of most of Hungary. Upper Hungary was now free from the
threat of Turkish raids. Flush with victory, Leopold I rued his
1681 promise of religious toleration and began again to
persecute Protestants. The Protestant nobles revolted in 1703
until 1711, when in the peace of Szathmar the toleration of 1681
was confirmed. The Carpathian German cities were very hard hit
by these wars, and also by the plague, with that of 1710 killing
perhaps 7,000 Zipser, again more in the cities. Then, by the
17th century, most Catholic village priests (badly paid by the
state, and ill-educated) were Slovaks who promoted their
language among the villagers under their charge. The Tax Census
of 1720 showed, according to Joerg Hoensch, (2001) that Magyars
were still only 4% of the local population, but Germans now only
a small majority, and the rest Slovaks and Ruthenes. By 1790,
the Slavs had even become a slight majority. In 1781, Emperor
Joseph II in 1781 issued an edict of general religious tolerance
for all Lutherans in Hungary. He also encouraged some
immigration from the overpopulated Southwest of Germany to the
Dunajetz valley in the Northernmost Zips. But he also ordered in
1783 that all artisans, notwithstanding their religion or
ethnicity, should be made burghers, which threatened the
cultural cohesion of those cities that were still German and
restricted burghership to ethnic Germans, and Magyars and
Slovaks willing to intermarry and assimilate into the German
people.
For example, Karpfen, one of the oldest German cities
in the lower Zips, whose "Saxones de Corpona" (Saxons
from Karpfen) were noted in documents as early as 1135, was
destroyed by the Mongols, rebuilt, flourished, and then was
destroyed by the Hussites of Jan Jiskra in the late 15th
century. After the Hussites had been kicked out, to rebuild the
city, non-Germans were allowed to become burghers, too. The
first larger group of Slovaks moved into the city. Living in a
German environment, they were going to assimilate over the next
generations, but then came the Turkish wars that decimated the
local Germans. In 1566, Turkish raiders killed 2 burghers and
took 44 into slavery; in 1570, 20 burghers working their fields
were killed; another attack happened in 1578, and in 1582 over
200 Karpfen burghers were taken into slavery. For a small city,
these continuous losses were hard to make up. In 1611, Karpfen
elected a Magyar as mayor, the first non-German since the city's
foundation. In 1650, only 11 German children and 87 Slovak
children were born, noted from the language used at baptism. In
1673, the German Lutheran minister left the town, because the
flock had become too small to support him. By 1740, the great
Slovak historian Matthias Bel reported that only a few very old
people remembered that the city, now the Slovak city of Krupina,
once had German inhabitants.
Assimilation also happened in Menhard (Menhardsdorf), or
Vrbov in Slovak. Founded in the 13th century by German settlers
led by the Schultheiss (mayor) Meynhard (at the time, commoners
rarely had family names), it was a German village till the 19th
century despite being mortgaged to Poland from 1412 to 1778. In
1880, of 789 inhabitants, 736 were Germans, 35 Slovaks and 17
Jews (mainly German-speaking). But by 1940, of 870 inhabitants,
410 were Slovaks, 407 Germans, 7 Jews, and 52 others.
At the same time, the overpopulation of the farming areas led
many Zipser to emigrate already in the late 18th century to the Bukovina,
(Buchenland), notably the area of Zibau, where Zipser
German was spoken till World War II, to the area of today's
Karpato-Ukraine and of today's Maramures area in Romania,
(the Karpato-Ukraine includes part of the old Magyar county of
Marmaros, but also other counties such as Bereg), in the latter
notably the areas of Ober-Wischau and the nearby Wassertal
(Valea Vaser in Romanian). Zipser Saxons founded Oberwischau in
the 12th century as a mining settlement, but the original
population was assimilated over the centuries. The 18th century
migrants came mainly from the Oberzips, notably the area around
Kesmark and Leutschau, but also from Germany proper. Despite the
ethnic cleansing of the Germans of the East after World War II,
traces of Zipser famlies still survive in the Wassertal and
Oberwischau. This website here is in German, and has pictures
(2005) Oberwischau .
This emigration further reduced the number of Germans.
In 1847, the census counted 191,523 people in the Zips, of
which 63,833 were Germans, 2,043 Jews, 500 (!) Magyars, 98,951
Slovaks and 26,196 Ruthenians. The Germans, excluding Jews, were
now only 33% of the population. And after 1867, the urban
Germans increasingly became Magyars, owing to the pressure of
"magyarization" laws. In 1880, the census counted
172,881 people in the Zips. Of these 48,169 were German, 96,274
were Slovaks, 5,941 Jews, 16,158 were Ruthenians, and 3,526
Magyars. By 1910, the total number of inhabitants was 171,725
people, of which 38,434 were Germans, 7,475 Jews, 97,077
Slovaks, 12,327 Ruthenian, and 18,658 Magyar. Most of these
Magyars were former Germans. A good example of the ethnic change
was Zipser Bela, where, without any "ethnic
cleansing," from 1880 to 1890 the number of Germans fell by
19 percent, from 1890 to 1900 by another 8.3 percent, and from
1900 to 1910 by another 13.5 percent while the number of Magyars
exploded. (From Ladislaus Guszak, in Karpatenpost
February 1969, p. 4, based on census data in Dr. Erich Fausel, Das
Zipser Deutschtum, Jena, Germany, 1927, p. 111).
4. Burghers and Robots: Social Rank in the Zips: The
Zips had legally, till 1848, three classes of people. The nobles
owned the land and had a seat in the county legislature. They
were tax exempt. The local nobles tried from the 14th century
onwards to become feudal lords of the remaining royal areas.
They succeeded especially after 1526, when the new Habsburg
kings desperatly needed the support of the nobles against the
Turks. This included the remaining 11 cities of the Zipser
federation. While the people of these little cities kept their
local self-rule and were not made into serfs, (leibeigen) they
now had to pay the king's annual rent to a noble family. The
rent was raised substantially. The rent was due in cash and in
kind, and increasingly also unpaid labor, called the robot).
The Csaky remained hereditary Obergespann of the Zips till 1848,
and after that remained appointed county heads. Albin Csaky,
(1841-1912), who later served as minister of education in
Budapest, was Obergespann till 1880, the last of his family to
hold the office.
The Buerger, or burghers, of the remaining free royal cities
paid royal taxes collectively through these. Untertanen
(subjects) were the peasants and artisans of the villages and
small cities that had come under feudal rule. The most common
occupation, even in the towns, was that of peasant, called a
Untertan, Bauer, and in the 19th century a Landwirth, in latin
colonus. The Besiztlose, consisting of Hausleute, Kleinhaeusler,
Mietsleute etc were people without enough land to live from
farming. They eked out what their could from their garden plots
and worked as laborers or itinerant laborers or peddlers.
[To the top of the Webpage] 5. Torn
from the Fatherland: World War I and its aftermath: In
August 1914, World War I broke out. The Zips was administed in
1914 by Obergespann baron Arthur Wieland and Vizegespann Dr.
Ludwig Neogrady, in 1918 by Dr. Tibor von Mariassy. The Zips'
roughly 172,000 people, mainly small farmers, with some
industrial workers, could not expect to eke enough food from the
county's soil. The Russian offensive into Eastern Galicia in
Fall 1914 caused panic, with the front by September 26 at Tarnow
and Gorlice just East of Krakau--Tarnow was only about 160 km
(100 miles) from Kesmark--and also sent waves of refugees
crashing through the Popper River valley. But the German and
Austrian-Hungarian armies threw back the Russian army in
Mai-June 1915. After that, there was no direct military threat,
but the slow drain of young men and of food, the progressive
lack of which made death rates rise. Food production was
increasingly controlled by the Ministry for People's Nutrition (a.k.a
Food Ministry). It would be too much to detail the agony of the
Zips. I will focus on the last months of the war, based on the Karpathen-Post
and other sources.
By Summer 1918, the Zips was worn out. In late September, the
Food Ministry decreed that the Zips had to deliver at once 2,500
train wagons loads @5 tons of potatoes, or it be seized by
force. Also, a family could have only keep one pig per five
people to feed itself if they had a license. Sugar, one of the
few bountiful items, was raised from 2.14 K/kg to 2.92
wholesale, hence in stores from 2.40K to 3.30K. Even matches
were rationed. Local politics revolved nearly entirely in
lobbying for more food. Kesmark mayor Dr. Otto Wrchovszky
succeeded in getting the fat of 1,600 pigs to be rationed to the
nine Zipser cities with self-government. Also, after food
distribution broke down in November, and the Kesmark population
had nothing for December, he persuaded the local state
employees, who had received an annual allotment of flour and
other foodstuff, to share these, thus preventing mass starvation
(and probably the lynching of said employees by hungry mobs),
according to the Karpathen-Post of November 28.
Interestingly considering the times, in October-November, though
half of the mountain spas were closed, Tatraszeplak,
Ujtatrafured, and the sanatorium in Otatrafured, as well as some
hotels in Tatralomnitz,were still with guests from Budapest.
[This part is a work in progress]
6. The End after 800 Years: Slovakia became
independent in March 1939. In the great European civil war
between the two ideologies, its leaders allied themselves with
Hitler, who was not yet a mass-murderer in 1939, rather than
with Stalin, who had already murdered 15 to 20 million men,
women and children by that time. The Slovak Army participated in
the campaign against Poland and then against the Soviet Union.
Until 1943, when a German defeat appeared possible, few Slovaks
had complaints about that alliance, despite what their official
history claims today.
But as the tide of war turned, in Summer 1944, there was a
Communist-led partisan revolt in Central Slovakia. Over 3,000
ethnic Germans were massacred. The uprising failed. Yet, as the
Soviet Army rolled nearer, Carpathian German civilians were
evacuated to protect them from indiscriminate slaughter. The
children of Eisdorf were evacuated to Austria on September 21,
1944, led by their teachers, the boys to Glognitz and the
girls to Rabenstein. On January 10, most women and old
men, as other Germans from the Zips, were evacuated with the
last trains from the railroad station in Kaesmark. On January
23, the 85 men who had stayed packed their belongings on 55
carts, with 112 horses, and began a long trek through the
snow-covered and wolf- and partisan-infested countryside until
they reached Bischofsteinitz in the Sudetenland on February 25,
having trekked for 350 miles. Once the fighting was over, they
expected to be able to return to their little village. The trek
left in the nick of time. German and Hungarian troops (though
the Soviet imposed Hungarian puppet government, the so-called
"Debrecen government," had declared war on Germany on
December 21, 1944, most Hungarian troops fought with their
German friends and allies to the bitter end--such as in the epic
defense of Budapest till February 13, 1945)--evacuated the upper
Zips between January 22 to 26. Menhard was occupied by soldiers
from the Czechoslovak (Benes) army on January 27. So were the
other villages, by CSR and Soviet troops.
Not all Zipser left. Many simple souls, knowing they were
innocent, trusted the Allies (after all claiming to fight for
Freedom & Humanity), and stayed. Many were murdered by Czech
and Soviet troops. And when the war was over on May 8, 1945, the
great self-anointed humanitarians who claimed to fight a
"good war" allowed the Czech government to torture
some, kill others in slave labor camps, and ethnically cleanse
all of them from their homes of 800 years. Today, Eisdorf only
survives in the memories of families, such as mine, who live in
the Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, the United States and
Canada.
[To the top of the Webpage]
C. ZIPSER SPEECH
Carpathian Germans were divided by dialects that were not
mutually intelligible. Pressburger German was close to Viennese,
while Hauerlaender and Zipser were rather unique. In these two
regions, even people from other villages could have problems
communicating. In the Zips, the main difference was between the
dialect of the Oberzips, called Potoksch, and the dialect of the
Unterzips, called Mantakisch, while that of Kniesen and
Hopgarten in the uppermost NE of the Zips was closer to Lower
Silesian German. This example from the Oberzips is spelled
phonetically, using standard German phonemes.
A dancing song from the Zips
From Karpatenpost June 1968, p. j1.
Wu gejst hin, wu gejst hin, du schworzes Porailchen?
En die Mihl, en die Mihl, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wos sollst du en der Mihl, du schworzes Porailchen?
Mohln, mohln, mohln, mohln, mohln, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wos sollst med Mahl dank tun, du schworzes Porailchen?
Of mein Hochz, of mein Hochz, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wann wed dein schejn Hochz sein, du schworzes Porailchen?
Wanns Mihlchen pfeift, 's Korn a"uch reift, mein liebes
Frailchen.
[ To the top of the Webpage]
SOURCES ON THE ZIPS
Rudolf, Rainer, Pater, et alii, Zipser Land und Leute,
(Vienna, Austria: Karpatendeutsche Landsmannschaft 1982), esp.
45-60. Wanhoff, Adalbert. "Eisdorf, ein deutsches Dorf in
der Oberzips," Karpatenjahrbuch 1990, 77-88.
|
ZIPSER BELA HOMEPAGE
http://carpathiangerman.com/zipserbela.htm |
ZIPSER BELA HOMEPAGE
A. WHERE IS ZIPSER BELA?
Zipser Bela, in Magyar Szepesbela, in Slovak Spisska Bela,
often simply called “Bela,” or “die Bejl” in the German
dialect, is a town located about 7 Kilometers (4 American miles)
North of Kesmark, on the Western bank of the Popper/Poprad river
in the Oberzips, the Northern part of Zips county. The Zips was
part of Hungary till December 1918, then of Czechoslovakia, and
today of independent Slovakia. Many inhabitants were Germans
till 1945. In 2001, Zipser Bela had about 6,200 inhabitants, of
which 16 (0.26%) stated they were Germans in the last census.
There are probably another few who did not dare to admit their
ethnicity, after 50 years of oppression.
As most other towns of the Oberzips, Bela is on the high
plain between the towering Tatra mountains. Its median altitude
is 631 meters, about 2,000 feet. The town’s name derives from
the Bela creek, in Slavic meaning “white,” an appropriate
name for the gushing whitewater creek flowing through the town.
There were several such rivers in the old kingdom of Hungary,
and places named for them, hence informally "Zipser"
was added to Bela till it became official in the 20th century.
In the local German dialect, one did not say I go "nach
Bela" (to Zipser Bela) but "in die Bejl" (I go
into the Bela area).
B. BRIEF HISTORY OF ZIPSER BELA
A. From the Beginning till 1772
The first surviving charter naming the city dates from 1263,
when Bela IV, king of Hungary, awarded his faithful servant
Leonhard a piece of land bordering the German town of Bela. But
according to local historian Reverend Samuel Weber, a note
copied from an old mass book (provided it was not misread in the
Middle Ages) may indicate that Bela already had a chapel around
1072, while a 1416 court decision over a land dispute referred
to a decree from 1164 fixing the boundaries of the Slavic hamlet
of Bela and the German settlement of Valtendorf/ Waltendorf (for
Valentinsdorf), which later was lost. The latter’s village
church, St Valentin’s, was built in 1208. Eventually the
Slavic and the German settlements merged (as did nearby the
German Deutschendorf with the Slavic Poprad, for example). The
Mongol invasion of 1242-1243 destroyed all settlements,
including Bela, and virtually all documents. Few people and even
fewer documents survived. Therefore, very little is known about
the pre-Mongol era.
After the Mongols left, the Hungarian kings called new,
mainly German, settlers to the Zips. They mixed with the few
German and Slavic survivors and rebuilt towns and villages. Some
settlements were built on land the king had given to nobles.
Others, like Bela, were on land still owned directly by the
crown. Bela received city rights in 1271. Bela had an extensive
land area under its jurisdiction, for a small city, around 72
km2 (that is about. 28 square miles), including large forests
and pastures for cows and sheep in the mountains. Many burghers
were peasants, too, with fields outside the town. The mayor
(Richter) was elected directly by the burghers, as were the 6
Geschworenen (aldermen). As the city grew, a second church, St
Anthony’s, was added in 1264 to the rebuilt St Valentin’s.
Bela was a member of the league of 24 Zipser cities on crownland,
who paid an annual rent to the king for the land, and were
otherwise not subjected to the myriad of petty taxes and labor
dues burghers and peasant on noble lands owed their lord of the
manor. Bela’s Catholic priest was a member of the brotherhood
formed by the priests of these 24 cities. These were autonomous
from the Zipser provost (Probst). As in the rest of Christian
Europe, an important burden for subjects was the tithe. In
Hungary, all non-nobles had to pay the real tenth of their
annual income to the Catholic church, whose hierarchy also
determined its local beneficiary, the priest, without input from
believers, except when nobles had built and endowed the local
church, making then the church “patron” with the right of
veto over the bishop’s choice of a priest. But the burghers of
the Zipser cities were, which was rare in Europe, the patrons of
their own churches because they had built and endowed them with
land, whose income paid the priest. Hence the town owned the
tithe and the local parishioners elected their priest. As the
tithe was generous, the priest also had a powerful economic role
in the city.
In 1412, together with 12 other royal towns and the royal
domain of Lublau, Bela was mortgaged to the King of Poland. The
mortgage was supposed to last only for a few years, but ended
only in 1772. The King of Poland appointed a governor, the
Starost, to manage the income from his security deposit. He
lived in the castle in Lublau (for more details see the general
Zips History page). During the Polish era, Bela’s population
suffered like the rest of the Zips from epidemics and famines,
as well as fires. The city records noted 17 devastating fires
from the 16th to the 18th centuries, notably in 1518, 1521,
1551, 1553, 1607, 1667, and 1707. The plague struck hard in 1600
(700 dead), 1622 (175 dead), 1679 (418 dead), and especially
brutally in 1710. As a result, the town was smaller in the late
17th century than Eisdorf, for example, which most of the time
had been smaller. In 1674, the fee from Bela’s minister to the
Brotherhood was set at 3 Goldgulden, 66 Denare, while Eisdorf
paid 4 Goldgulden, 20 Denare, as did Zipser Neudorf and Menhard,
while Leibitz paid over 5 Goldgulden, and Leutschau 11.
The King of Poland gave the Starost a free hand as long as
the money flowed regularly. Initially, the king of Poland
changed Starosts at least once a generation, and kept them under
some control. But in 1596, needing the support of the powerful
Lubormirski family, he made them hereditary starosts of the
mortgaged cities, which they remained till 1745, when that
branch died out. The starostship then passed to a cadet branch
of the royal Poniatowski family and then to Count Brühl. The
Lubormirski owned of course much more land in the Kingdom of
Poland proper. Yet, because of its strategic location at the
Southern entrance to Poland, and the closeness of the Turkish
threat, since the border was near Kaschau till the reconquest of
Hungary in 1697, they paid close attention to the small
mortgaged Zips, through their castellan in Lublau.
At first little changed for the burghers of Bela, save the
address to send the royal taxes. But after a few decades, the
Starost began to interfere in local affairs. In 1460, the
Starost ordered that the mayors of all 13 cities be henceforth
not be elected by a general assembly of all burghers, but by
delegates elected by each ward, to limit the influence of poorer
craftsmen. But not all interferences were negative. Greatly
adding to Bela’s prosperity was the right to hold weekly local
markets every Sunday, awarded by the king of Poland in 1535, and
in 1607 the right to hold two annual regional fairs, on St
Anthony’s Day (January 7) and St. Matthias’ Day (September
21), increased to in 3 in 1667 and 5 in 1739. This benefited
Bela’s craftsmen. They formed numerous guilds since the middle
ages, notably butchers, shoemakers, dressmakers, furriers,
smiths and weavers. Flax was widely grown, and the linen made
from it sold throughout the Hungarian Kingdom. The town was
prosperous enough to build a new town hall in the 16th century.
However, the city had no regular town walls, never having
receiving royal permission for fortification, and for defense
relied on the adjoining stout backwalls of the burgher’s
barns, supplemented by wooden stockades. The town also had its
own militia, and those who could afford firearms trained since
1637 in the shooting society, the Schützenverein, which existed
till after World War I.
Concerning taxes, the Polish governor initially demanded only
what had been due to the King of Hungary, that is from the 13
cities their share of the Zipser city league tax, which in 1412
was for them 200 currency Mark in silver annually (at the time,
a good horse cost 4 Gulden, an ordinary house in Bela 12
Gulden), plus whatever was needed in case of war. This was
raised to 700 Gulden in 1674, which might reflect inflation and
currency changes. But the citizens were really hurt by a stream
of extraordinary levies, sometimes justified with the huge cost
of the Turkish wars, and sometimes simply by mailed fist. After
1541 another 300 Kuebel (one Kuebel was 125 liters, in US
measures 3.57 bushels @ 35 Liters) corn had to be paid jointly
by the 13 city parishes, after 1594 an additional 82 Florin in
cash, and then the corn tax was doubled to 600 Kuebel (or 2,143
bushels). In 1616 a new tax of 500 gold ducats, the Podor, was
imposed on the XIII cities, plus many smaller ad-hoc demands as
well. The worst period was under Theodor Constantin Lubomirski,
who ruled 1702-1745. He asked that the burghers start to pay
annually the Nona, the 9th of all goods, which was not only a
lot but also an insulting mark of servitude,. He then allowed
the cities to buy themselves free of this tax for 21,000 Gulden,
a very large sum, which they did. From 1714 to 1716 alone, about
181,000 Gulden were extorted from the 13 cities. The extortions
ceased after 1745.
The increasing oppression from the Starost also threatened
the religion of the inhabitants. The burghers of Zipser Bela
traditionally had the right to elect their own priest, who then
received a generous salary—but also had to pay the deacon and
the school teacher, and give a number of statutory gifts to the
Provost of the Zips, to the Hungarian count administering the
Zips, to the king of Hungary, and now to the Polish Starost as
well. The minister also had to help hosting distinguished guests
of the city in his stately parish house, and wine and dine them.
After the last Catholic priest of Bela Valentin Szontagh de
Bielitz died in 1545, the city elected a Lutheran priest as his
successor, Laurentius Quendel (called Serpilius), who was
actually a native of Bela. The whole city became Lutheran
without struggle. The reformation led to more public spending on
education. In the 16-17th centuries, the city school had three
teachers, the rector (usually with a degree from a German
university), an assistant teacher, and a cantor who taught
singing. The teachers were expected to participate in the city
festivities, write Latin speeches, etc., for free though the
cantor received additional fees for singing in church and at
funerals. In 1674, school taxes were thus: Each big house (there
were 173) paid 1 Kuebel grain, each small house (102) 0.5 Kuebel,
to the rector, a total of 224 Kuebel (800 US bushels), worth 220
Fl. There was no assistant teacher any more, but the rector had
to pay the cantor 12 Fl., and various other school employees 23
Florin, leaving 185 Florin for him. Collective worship was a
powerful expression of the town community. In 1565, the Starost
had promised to respect the free exercise of religion for
Lutherans in all XIII cities for an annual gift of 300 Kuebel
grain from the ministers, and 100 Dukaten from each newly
elected minister. The burghers of Bela worshipped fairly
unmolested after that, despite various anti-Lutheran policies
from the King of Hungary and the King of Poland, till the apex
of the counter-reformation in the late 17th century.
In June 1671, the King of Poland ordered the confiscation of
all Lutheran churches and schools, and the expulsion of all
Lutheran office holders from the XIII cities. But Starost
Hercalius Lubomirski did not implement the decree provided the
Lutheran cities now let Catholics worship freely, help them set
up churches and schools, and limit public office to Catholics.
However, under pressure from the Catholic clergy, in September
1672 he had to order the expulsion of Lutheran ministers who had
fled from other parts of the Zips. The pressure soon increased
dramatically, as the titular lord, the King of Hungary Leopold
II, now also demanded the suppression of Lutherans in the wake
of the Wesselenyi-conspiracy that rocked the Hungarian kingdom.
Leopold II ordered that all churches and schools, and the tithe,
be given to Catholics. In Bela, the church was handed over to
the Catholics and minister Johann Fontany expelled penniless
with his family. Ordinary local Lutherans were not expelled and
could still worship in their homes, though not without
molestation from various officials. Also, the Catholic priest
was now the sole public official recording births, deaths and
marriages, and received the fees for it. In 1700, the Starost
again allowed the cities to maintain Lutheran ministers, in
Zipser Bela it was Georg Roth, a native of Bela and son-in-law
of Fontany, but only for services in private homes. The Lutheran
ministers had to leave town right after services ended. This was
not enforced till Starost Theodor Lubormirski took power. On
August 10, 1703, in Kirchdrauf, the elderly minister Samuel
Platany was caught a few hours after services. The Starost had
him publicly whipped out of the city, and then banned all
private worship. But in 1707, for a considerable bribe, he
allowed a durable compromise. Private worship was allowed and
the minister could even live in the city. However, all Lutherans
services had to end at 8 AM, so that all Lutheran city officials
could attend Catholic services, which were mandatory for them.
The city school was seized in 1674, and Lutheran children had to
attend the now Catholic school. Home schooling was banned, as
was sending children outside the 13 cities area for education.
In 1758 Starost count Theodor Brühl allowed some Lutheran home
schooling but in 1771 Starost Poniatowski banned it again.
Overall, though Poland and Hungary pursued sharp re-catholization
policies, it was in the Starosts’ material interest not to
harm the economic viability of the XIII cities, and to attract
loyalty by being a tad more liberal than the ultra-Catholic
Csaky who ruled the part of the Zips that remained under direct
Hungarian rule. Incidentally, these oppressive policies did not
lead many people to switch their faith, noted Reverend Samuel
Weber, who from his parish registers counted about 30 adults who
became Catholics from 1674 to 1781, mostly to marry, as
Catholics who converted risked the death penalty.
B. From 1772 to World War I:
In 1772, the Polish administration ended. As the old medieval
league of XXIV cities could not be recreated, the XIII redeemed
royal cities, plus the three towns in the royal domain of Lublau,
were merged as the XVI Zipser City League. Save for 1785-1790,
when the district was abolished, the league retained its
autonomous administration till 1876. However, they had to give
up their Saxon inheritance law (which preserved property in the
hands of one heir) for Hungarian law, were everything was
divided among all. Initially, Maria Theresia’s rule brought
more restrictions to local Lutherans. But after Joseph II issued
in 1781 his patent tolerating the Lutheran (and other)
religions, allowing them to keep their own parish records, the
Lutheran parish of Zipser Bela was organized in 1782. The parish
was joined by the peasants of the nearby villages of Kreutz (Keresztfalu
in Magyar, Krizova Ves in Slovak) and Nehre (in Magyar Nagyor,
in Slovak Strazky), whose noble landowners, the Lutheran family
Horvath Stansith de Gradecz, preferred to affiliate their
Lutheran peasants with Bela rather than have to create and endow
separate parishes. Kreutz had been a German village till the
late 17th century, but was now Slovak, while Nehre was still
German, and as late as 1930 to 65%. The Bela Lutheran parish
registers begin with 1783. The Bela Lutherans now collected
3,000 Gulden to build a church, and also did much of the labor
themselves. Begun in 1784 on three plots donated by the Schmeiss,
Gulden and Kaltstein families, the Lutheran church was
inaugurated 1786. Yet the Catholic county officials hindered
them often. In 1818 the parish built a Totenhaus in its corner
of the cemetery. The county authorities had it torn down, and
also forbade the creation of a Lutheran poor house in 1832.
Also, St Anthony’s still held the right to tithe all burghers,
no matter their confession, till the right was redeemed in 1848
for 1,800 Gulden.
The attitude of the Catholic county administration also
affected the school after 1772. First the Hungarian officials
simply forbade Lutheran schools, claiming they were bound to
honor Poniatowski’s edict. Then, in 1780, “national
schools” (public grade schools with a national curriculum)
were created, in theory non-denominational except for religion
and singing provided by the respective Catholic and Lutheran
parishes. But in practice only Catholic teachers were hired. In
1785, Josef II allowed Lutheran schools, and the local Lutherans
opened their own grade school. In 1802, teacher Martin Lang
received a free apartment in the school house and use of a
vegetable patch, 150 Gulden (Florin, Fl.) in cash and 6 Metzen
corn, mainly rye, (10.71 bushel), 8 Klafter firewood (a Klafter
had 3 cubic meters, or 83% of a US cord, it was 6 2/3rd cords
total), but he had to cut and cart the logs himself. He also
received sundry fees from each child, such as a 10 Kreuzer
registration fee and a 6 Kreuzer on his name day and certain
holidays, altogether estimated by Samuel Weber at 50 Fl. over
the year. The teacher had to substitute for the minister if the
latter was sick for free, but earned additional money by doing
the organizational work at funerals, incl. writing the funeral
oration. If he had the training (and strength) to also work as
the parish cantor, he could earn another 80 Fl. salary, plus
fees for organizing the singing at marriages and funerals. In
1842 mandatory Latin was dropped from the grade school
curriculum, but drawing, geometry, mapmaking, gymnastics, and
Hungarian, added to it and the teaching method changed from rote
learning to more active student learning.
The aftermath of the revolution of 1848/49 brought full legal
equality, and also led to a change of attitude among the local
Catholic Magyar nobles who enforced that law. Local Germans, in
Zipser Bela and elsewhere, had supported the Magyar
revolutionaries against the Hapsburgs. After the revolution was
over, Bela Lutheran minister Karl Maday was even briefly jailed
(He later became bishop). The Catholic Hungarian nobles took
note. And so religious strife lessened over time and in 1870 the
Bela Lutherans gave up their parish school to join the reformed
public school, which also hired the four Lutheran teachers.
After 1870 grade school teachers were lavishly paid, receiving
still free lodging with a large garden, but now 400 Gulden in
cash (US-$ 160 then), 12 Klafter firewood (about 10 US cords),
with free cutting and carting now, and still a small cash gift
from each child on name day. They were morally expected to be
active in their parish, but not forced anylonger to act as
clerical help to the minister. However, they now were expected
to be agents of Magyarization. Two important persons in Bela
during that era were Rev. Samuel Weber (1835 Poprad-1908 Bela),
Lutheran minister in Bela from 1861 to 1908, and his successor
Franz Ratzenberger (1863 Schwedler-1930). Both were literary
active and wrote on local history as well. Weber was honored by
the city in 2008. Unfortunately in the exhibit the names of his
family were “Slovakized” though his ancestors were all
Zipser Saxons, giving a misleading impression of how he saw
himself.
The economic situation of Bela remained good throughout the
19th century, despite a devastating fire in 1828, and four
Cholera outbreaks, 1831 (85 dead), 1856 (a smaller number), 1866
(45 dead), and 1873 (65 dead). From 1783 to 1793, Bela had
accepted 199 craftsmen as new burghers, after showing that they
had completed their regular journeyman training, then wandered
for 3 years, had done their masterpiece, and were financially
able to set up a household. While many were relatives of
existing burghers, others were new to the town and long-lasting
boost for its economy. In the 17th century, several mineral
springs located 1.5 km (a mile) from the city had been
discovered, and became Bad Zipser Bela (Belianske Kupele),
locally famous for helping with arthritis, gout and skin
conditions. By 1881, the city developed 2 miles upmountain the
new resort of Hoehlenhain (Grove at the cave, because of the
nearby cave Belaer Tropfsteinhoehle), in Magyar Barlangliget, in
Slovak today Tatranska Kotlina. Another new industry was
tanning, and the distilling of a local gin (Borovic^ka) that had
originated in nearby Liptau Megye. As Andrej Novak noted, home
brewing for sale was still important, too. In 1812, of 400
houses in the city, (many of which were not burgher houses), 29
used their burgher brewing rights. In the second half of the
19th century, several new industries came. Factories were opened
to make flaxy canvas (1869), starch (1878), bricks, lumber, the
liqueur factory Kleinberger (1875), the breweries Szimonisz
(1870) and Reich (1872), a plant making smoking tobacco (1892),
a distillery for industrial alcohol (1902), etc. A further boost
came from the building of a train branch from Kesmark to Zipser
Bela in 1892.
The town’s prosperity supported numerous associations. The
shooting club of 1637 still had 95 members in 1845. There was a
theatre club (1870), the Belaer Chor (1862), hunting club
(1860), fishing club (1889), voluntary fire brigade (1878),
sports club (1910) and many others. The Faschingsverein (founded
around 1900) created a lively mardi-gras, with up to 4,000
tourists coming to town to watch the parade. Yet there was a
change of spirit in the meetings. Till the 1880s, a meeting of
local “Bejler” might begin, reflecting their genuine love of
their Hungarian homeland, with the magyar shout “Eljen” (for
Eljen a Kiraly, long live the King) and the pious wish, to
please any Magyar government officials, that someday in the
(far, far) future all Hungarian citizens would speak Magyar as
their mother-tongue. Then the Bejler would happily continued in
the local Potoksch German dialect. Now, civic leaders enforced
Magyar through legal pressure and social mobbing. In 1855,
according to Samuel Weber, there were 81 inhabitants speaking
Slovak and 6 Magyar at home--and 2,225 German inhabitants. The
population was 96% German. But then emigration and Magyarization,
together with the hiring of Slovaks for the new factories—they
worked for less than the sons of German burghers and
craftsmen--cut that number. As Erich Fausel noted in 1926,
citizens declaring that their household language was German
dropped to 1,889 (or 72.8% of 2,589) in 1880 and 1,242 (43.1% of
2,887) in 1910, rising to 53.8% (1,557) of 2,894 in 1919 as some
Magyarized Germans returned to their roots. But the trend was
towards Slovak. The Karpathen-Post reported that in 1912,
of 94 live births, 64 had been Slovaks, 25 German, 5 Magyars.
(16 Jan 1913). In terms of religion, in 1877, there were 827
Catholics, 36 Greek Catholics, 1,605 Lutherans, 10 Reformed and
111 Jews.
Looking through old copies of the weekly Karpathen-Post, one
glimpses in the last years before the war also an active local
democracy. In November 1910 for example, in the elections for
the county legislature, a majority of voters in Bela voted, with
Dr. Friedrich Gabriel receiving 184 votes, Armin Mayer 174
votes, Michael Neupauer 124 votes. There may have been other
candidates, too. The Gabriel clan was very active in local
politics, including in the city council, which had 12 elected
aldermen. The town’s prosperity was envied by its neighbors,
as the budget was entirely paid by income from the town’s
forests and other ventures, such as the brickyard and spa. Only
Kesmark was in the similar happy situation of not needing to
levy city taxes. Income and expenses were predictable. The
projected budget for 1914 was 171,545 Kronen, of which 76,938
came from the forest, 9,005 from the brickyard, 16,838 from the
spa, 21,972 from interest on bonds. Expenses were 165,125 Kronen,
with expenses for forestry 24,846, brickyard 7,880, spa 10,000.
The city payroll proper was 47,510, office supplies 2,374,
upkeep of city buildings 18,710, sanitation and city
veterinarian 3,495, local help for schools and churches 10,658 (Karpathen-Post
17 Nov 1910, 4 Dec.1913). The future seemed predictable. But it
was not to be.
In August 1914, World War I broke out between the Central
Powers and the Entente. By November 1918, the Central Powers
were defeated. Austria-Hungary was cut into pieces by the
revenge-mad victors, who created the foundation for a new world
war. After the Armistice,and upon learning of the surrender of
their country to the Czech separatists who had been supported by
the victors, Hungarian troops and administration slowly
retreated. On December 15, 1918, Polish and Czech troops faced
each other before Kesmark over conflicting claims to the
Oberzips. The Czechs won. They occupied Bela, too. Without
moving, the citizens of Bela had become part of a new country
whose elite was hostile to them and as early as 1919 hoped to
get rid of the non-Slavic native population.
C: The End: From the Annexation by the CSR to the Ethnic
Cleansing 1945:
The main developments of Carpathian German life under the CSR
can be read in the main section on history. For Bela, a blow was
losing city status in 1922 and the partition of the historic
Zips Megye/Zupa in 1923. The German population dwindled while
the overall population grew. In 1930, of 3,690 inhabitants,
2,161 were Slovaks, 1,269 Germans, 41 ethnic Jews, 31 Magyars,
and 10 Ruthenians. In 1940, the town had 3,706 inhabitants. The
Catholic services were in Slovak and German, Lutheran services
in German. Bela became the headquarters of the local district of
the Deutscher Kulturverein, with 13 local branches in 1925.
Overall, the KDV had 4 districts and 50 branches in the Zips.
In the 1920s, the Wintergasse in Zipser Bela looked like
this.
Still, Carpathian German life continued. My mother, as a
child, in the late 1930s and 1940s, visited often her aunt Emma
Teltsch, born Alexy, who had married the widowed former mayor
Arthur Teltsch. She was the oldest surviving child of Rev.
Matthias Alexy from Eisdorf, my greatgrandfather. Matthias
Alexy’s wife Julianne Schmeiss, also spelled Schmeisz, was
herself from an old Zipser Bela family. My mother recalled the
Simonis family, with the brewery, who were in-law relations,
having married other Alexy cousins. In the USA, there was my
aunt (a few times removed) Liesel Hentschel, born Alexy, from
Eisdorf, whose husband Emil Hentschel was from Zipser Bela. As
it turned out, they were in-laws of the Simonis as well, and
share more than half of my Zipser Bela ancestral surnames, too.
The Oberzips was a small world.
Most Carpathian Germans were Lutherans. The parish had in the
early 1940s 841 members, plus 112 in Nehre and 270 in the
“Diaspora,” including Kreutz. The last minister, 1931 to
Jan. 1945, was Georg Hirschmann (1904 Pressburg-1966 Stuttgart),
the parish inspector was August Rissdorfer, the cantor for
Zipser Bela was Julius Roth and for Nehre Ladislaus Buchalla.
Between November and January 1945 about 850 Germans were
evacuated to prevent a massacre by the Red Army and the
returning Beneshists. Those who stayed, or returned, often died
in camps or were murdered. By 1947 most remaining survivors were
resettled to other places in Slovakia. Rev. Michael Holko (1866
Pressburg-1960 Deutschendorf), who had administered the parish
in 1930-31, was able to stay (though his children not) and
served as administrator of the Lutheran church till he had to
retire in 1947. The historic Zipser Bela is gone. As a result,
though there are a dozen local Germans left, they have no
presence, no power to reclaim their past.
D. Zipser Bela Today:
Bela regained city status in 1965, but lost the vast majority of
its land, with part of it returned in 1993, so that the city
area has nearly 34 km2 today. The village of Nehre (Strazky) was
merged with Bela in 1972. Spisska Bela, which I visited first in
2006, is today a nice town with many renovated old burgher
homes. But the people who descended from its builders are gone.
What remains?
As noted earlier, there were scarcely any native Slovaks in
the city in 1855, and most of the Slovaks living there in 1945
had moved there at best one or two generations earlier. A new
batch of settlers in 1947 were Ruthenian Greek Catholics from
Lendak, which had burned in 1947. Instead of rebuilding the
remote village, the authorities simply moved the peasants to the
empty German homes in Bierbrunn and Zipser Bela. Other settlers
came from further North, Zdiar and and the Zamagursky area, and
often were Ruthenian and Greek-Orthodox, though now in a process
of Slovakization as well. Historically, they often were friendly
to Germans, and that is crucial for how they deal with the
remnants of the Zipser Bela’s German past.
After the end of Communism, which used Czech nationalism to
make itself more attractive, the city created a museum for
native sons Josef Petzval (1807-1891), a pioneer in photography,
and Michael Greisiger (1854-1912). I’m not sure if the
exhibits always point out that when alive, the two were neither
Slovaks nor German-Slovaks (as Carpathian Germans are sometimes
mislabeled today—a German Slovak is someone with mixed German
and Slovak ancestry, not a German from an area only since a
century called "Slovakia"), but Magyarophile Zipser
Saxons. A Slovak-language history of the town was published in
2006, which, according to informed readers, is fairly accurate
in most parts. In an interview in the Karpatenblatt,
Primator Dr. Stefan Bielak stated that he was very positive on
the German history of the city. The sister city partnership with
Brück/Austria, where many deported Zipser live, helps to remind
the current inhabitants of who lived there before. |
EISDORF/ZIPS HOMEPAGE
http://carpathiangerman.com/eisdorf.htm |
EISDORF/ZIPS HOMEPAGE
C. HISTORY OF EISDORF
1. General outline:
Eisdorf is located in the valley of the Popper River.
Probably at the end of the 12th century, two villages were
founded in the township of Eisdorf, Eisdorf and the hamlet of
Klein-Eisdorf 3 km away. The first surviving mention of Eisdorf
is from a charter of 1209. The village name in German, Magyar
and Slovak indicate that a man called Isaac was the founder (in
medieval German, Isaac was pronounced like in English, with Ei
instead of German I, and at some point the middle syllable
dropped from Eisackssdorf, while in Slovak, the first syllable
got dropped). After the Mongol invasion of 1241 Eisdorf was
rebuilt but Klein-Eisdorf not. Eisdorf belonged to the Zipser
Staedtebund from the very beginning. Several historians believe
that the settlers of Eisdorf came from the Eisacktal in South
Tyrol, (Rudolf, 78) including the ancestors of my own mother's
family, the Alexy (then called Haering). Eisdorf belonged to the
Zipser Bund, which means that the village, which had at its
heyday at most 500 people, had city status. The township of
Eisdorf since the middle ages had an area of 3635 Joch (a Joch
has 5700 square meters, an acre 4040, a Joch is 1.41 acres). The
village had an area of 5125 acres or about 8 square miles. By
1944, the distribution was 75% fields, 14% forests, the rest
meadows, gardens and the village.
The Eisdorfer suffered from the catastrophes that shook the
area. For non-nobles, life was not fun in a feudal society in
the best of cases. But here, the Czech Hussites came and
plundered and murdered in the 15th century. In the 16th, they
were followed by the Ottoman Turks, who though stopped 20 miles
south of Eisdorf, conducted regular raids northward until
decisively beaten between 1686 and 1699. Eisdorf had become
Lutheran in 1542. In 1672, the government banned Lutheran
parishes. In November 1672, Imperial troops plundered the
village, in February 1709 the rebel Kurutzen, and in May 1709
the troops of Prince Rakoczy. After that, enemy troops would not
come to the village till 1945, though the young men had to
suffer in far-away wars.
Eisdorf also suffered from devastating fires. The village has
no riverfront or fire pond, and so fires could not be quenched
in time. In 1717, 1869, 1873, 1882, 1892, 1919, 1927, 1931 and
1937, large chunks of the village burned, destroying also the
stored harvest and creating famine. There also were illnesses
and epidemics. In 1558, 1600, 1646 and 1710, the plague struck.
In the year 1700, 73 men, 67 women and 25 children, or 165
people, a third of the village, died of the plague. The cholera
was less deadly, but still...in 1831, 34 people died of the
cholera, in 1855 44 people, in 1914 10 people.
2. The village economy
Even when the plague (Pest), Cholera and war did not
threaten, the life of the Eisdorf peasant was not easy. Most of
the villagers were Untertanen, the remainder Besitzlose. The
peasants were differentiated according to whether they owned the
rights to a full farm (64 Joch, that is 90 american acres, or
36.5 hectar), a half or a quarter farm. In 1821, there were 105
full and 28 half-sized farms. The peasants made fruit brandy and
homespun linen. Otherwise, there were no crafts. However, in
1944, the village counted a carpenter, smith, merchant and
innkeep.
The village had comparatively few meadows, and so there was
not much cattle. The majority of grasslands was owned in common,
with hay cut only once a year because the soil was poor. But
geese and sheep, which could be feld in the scrubland, were kept
in larger numbers. The fields were planted according to the
three-fields rule, each peasant having a long strip in each
third, the rotation of the crops (potatoes, wheat, then rye)
being decided by the village elders. Every five years, to allow
the thin soil to regenerate, all fields were used as pasture.
After 1848 the farmers were not legally bound anylonger to
cooperate in the three fields system, but continued to do so
because this way of farming was necessary until fertilizers
became more available--but they were not cheap.
In the 16th century, Eisdorf, like the other members of the
Zipser Staedtebund that were not mortgaged to Poland, was now
too weak to protect its liberties, and was assigned to the
estates of the noble family (Counts) Csaky. For the right to use
a full farm (90 American acres), a peasant family now owed the
Csaky family annually until 1848:
- 52 days of unpaid labor (robot) by one adult man with
horses or 104 days without horses
- Cutting and bringing to the castle one large waggon load
of firewood, for free
- One Gulden in cash, and 2 chicken, 2 roosters, 12 eggs, a
half crock of rendered pigfat (Schweineschmalz), and for
each 20 farms one fat calf
- Wenn the count or the countess marry, the taxes are
doubled for that year
This farm labor had to be done at the same time the peasant
family needed to do them, too. As Adalbert Wanhoff notes, when
he was young his grandparents told of the days when before 1848,
when, as small children, they worked with their parents at
harvest time from 3 AM in the morning to 10 PM at night, to
bring in the Csaky's harvest and then their own, and sometimes
even throughout the night.
In addition, each farm had to pay several kinds of taxes to
the king/state, plus the tenth to the Catholic Church,
which was the state church, and a city tax. I'm still trying to
understand the particulars of some of these taxes (Portengeld,
notably):
- The Gemeindesteuer (city tax)
- The tenth of the harvest to the Catholic Church until 1781
(despite the fact that most Eisdorfer were Lutherans)
- The Mautpflicht
- The Korbgeld
- The Portengeld
- The Salzfuhr (Salt tax, salt being a state monopoly with
each household being required to buy a set amount at a set
price)
In 1848, the robot, the tenth and the payments of wood and
chicken were cancelled, and the peasants became full owners of
their homesteads. The fact that by 1848, most Eisdorf peasants
still owned a full 64-Joch farm (not common then in the Zips)
explains the relative wealth of the village in the second half
of the 19th century, before full distribution to all male heirs
(prohibited before 1848--only one got the farm), left small
farms that could not feed their owners.
3. Village administration The city administration
consisted of a Richter and Geschworene. In today's German, this
means a judge assisted by a jury, but in the old German cities
of the Hungarian kingdom, a Richter was a mayor and a
Geschworener an alderman, because the city council also acted as
justice of the peace. A true judge was a Stuhlrichter (a sitting
judge). In Eisdorf, the mayor was elected annually in the church
yard. As Justice of the Peace, the mayor had quite a lot of
power over his fellow villagers. The mayor also managed the
village cemetary (for both Protestants and Catholics), the
village commons (meadows and forest in the mountains), the
village ice cellar, and the village butcher yard. The communal
properties were used after the abolishing of serfdom in 1848, in
fact most survived till 1945 because they made more sense than
everyone puttering in his corner.
4. Living on the farm The lifestyle of the village of
my ancestors was rough. The climate did not allow large gardens.
Hence, vegetables and fruit were uncommon at meals. As Adalbert
Wannhof remembered from his youth in the 1930s, farmers
breakfasted with hot sweet milk-coffee and bread and butter.
There was a second, more substantial, breakfast at 9 AM. Food
was simple. Because there were few meadows and gardenland,
vegetables and milk were not plentiful. The staple for
breakfast, lunch and dinner was the potato, cooked in ingenious
ways, and served with bacon or some milk product.
Life was characterized by ceaseless labor to eke out a living
from a harsh land, even after the Robot for count Csaky had
ended. Houses were seen not as homes in a romantic sense, but as
mere dwellings, with the limited resources being rather put into
improving the stalls rather than the living room. After the
large farms began to be subdivided, the large homes became
cramped--even though the number of villagers dwindled. Usually,
the large farmsteads were inhabited by the parents and several
adult children, including married children.
Looking at old birth registers, it is noticable that many
births up to the 1930s were stillbirths, because pregnant women
worked as long as they could on the fields. The birthrate began
to drop after the 1880s, with the average number of children
born to a married woman surviving her entire fertility cycle
dropping from the usual 10 to 15 of the mid-19th century to 5 to
8. Below a picture from the 1930s.
5. Population: In 1700, the population was about 500
people.
In 1921, the census counted 608 people, of which 582 were
German, 10 Slovaks, 4 Magyars, 2 ethnic Jews and 10 others. By
religion, 420 were Lutherans, 167 Catholics, 2 Jewish.
In 1930, the census counted 641 people. Of these 624 were
German, 10 Slowaks, 2 Magyars, 3 ethnic Jews, 2 other. By
religion, 428 were Lutheran, 207 Catholic, 3 Jewish, 3 other.
6. For the Spirit: Churches and Schools: The Catholic
St Nicolas' church was built in the 13th century, (oft modified)
and has parish registers beginning with 1672. Many Eisdorfer
became Lutheran in 1542. The list of all Lutheran ministers has
been kept. But Catholicism was the state religion. Until 1782,
Lutherans could worship only in a few churches. Births and death
of Lutherans in Eisdorf were registered at the Catholic parish
until 1782, then at the Lutheran church was in nearby
Menhardsdorf (Vrbov). Around 1830, a Lutheran church was built
in Eisdorf, and a parish book begun in 1850. For a list of
archival material, see below.
In the 19th century, the two parishes organized parish grade
schools. In the 20th century, a kindergarten was built as well.
There were not many societies. There was a Lutheran
Maennergesangverein (male glee club) and a relief society (Bruderverein).
Every 24th June, St John's Day, the "brothers" shared
the "Bruderbier." In city hall, there was a small
public library with smoking room, the "Casino." Young
men also joined the volunteer firefighters.
Not much is known about the Jews of Eisdorf. Their
births and deaths were not recorded in either the Catholic or
Lutheran records. Until Jewish emancipation in the mid-19th
century, Jews were confined to small trading and peddling, and
moneylending, and Eisdorf was too small to host a larger,
permanent group of such Jewish residents, unlike nearby Hunsdorf,
from whence Jewish peddlers came to Eisdorf for business. In the
late 19th-early 20th century, some stayed long enough to have
children born in Eisdorf, though most did not stay long in the
village, according to Yad Vashem records online. In 1858 Eduard
Low was born to Ernestina Low, no father named. He then lived in
Deutschendorf/Poprad. Other Jewish births listed for Eisdorf/Zips
were Jakob Winkler (1880), Andre Ben Yirmiyahu (1888), Schlomo
Bugler (1905), Jakob (1901) and Margita (1910), Feuermann,
children of Tzvi and Zhana Feuermann, who seem to have been
long-term residents, Malvina Friedmann (1918), Laszlo Bass
(1921). Also, Iliya Langer was a merchant in Eisdorf till 1944.
I welcome any more details about the history of Jews in Eisdorf
and Zipser Bela.
7. The End after 800 Years: Slovakia became
independent in March 1939. In the great European civil war
between the two ideologies, its leaders allied themselves with
Hitler, who was not yet a mass-murderer in 1939, rather than
with Stalin, who had already murdered 15 to 20 million men,
women and children by that time. The Slovak Army participated in
the campaign against Poland and then against the Soviet Union.
Until 1943, when a German defeat appeared possible, few Slovaks
had complaints about that alliance, despite what their official
history claims today.
But as the tide of war turned, in Summer 1944, there was a
Communist-led partisan revolt in Central Slovakia. Over 3,000
ethnic Germans were massacred. The uprising failed. Yet, as the
Soviet Army rolled nearer, Carpathian German civilians were
evacuated to protect them from indiscriminate slaughter. The
children of Eisdorf were evacuated to Austria on September 21,
1944, led by their teachers, the boys to Glognitz and the
girls to Rabenstein. On January 10, most women and old
men, as other Germans from the Zips, were evacuated with the
last trains from the railroad station in Kaesmark. On January
23, the 85 men who had stayed packed their belongings on 55
carts, with 112 horses, and began a long trek through the
snow-covered and wolf- and partisan-infested countryside until
they reached Bischofsteinitz in the Sudetenland on February 25,
having trekked for 350 miles. Once the fighting was over, they
expected to be able to return to their little village. The trek
left in the nick of time. German and Hungarian troops (though
the Soviet imposed Hungarian puppet government, the so-called
"Debrecen government," had declared war on Germany on
December 21, 1944, most Hungarian troops fought with their
German friends and allies to the bitter end--such as in the epic
defense of Budapest till February 13, 1945)--evacuated the upper
Zips between January 22 to 26. Menhard was occupied by soldiers
from the Czechoslovak (Benes) army on January 27. So were the
other villages, by CSR and Soviet troops.
Not all Zipser left. Many simple souls, knowing they were
innocent, trusted the Allies (after all claiming to fight for
Freedom & Humanity), and stayed. Many were murdered by Czech
and Soviet troops. And when the war was over on May 8, 1945, the
great self-anointed humanitarians who claimed to fight a
"good war" allowed the Czech government to torture
some, kill others in slave labor camps such as the castle in
Kesmark, and ethnically cleanse all of them from their homes of
800 years. Today, Eisdorf only survives in the memories of
families, such as mine, who live in the Federal Republic of
Germany, Austria, the United States and Canada. Two families
remained due to illness, and the Cathoplic priest, Rev. Pataky
(died 1947). The village was resettled by Slovaks and Ruthenes.
While individual Eisdorfer visited the village in the 1960s, as
a group surviving Eisdorfer and their descendants visited their
village in May 2006 and July 2009, led by Albert Gotthardt, and
the elders made peace with the current dwellers of their homes
in a moving ceremony for the 800th anniversary of the first
surviving mention of the village. Think how hard that was. I'm
not sure I could do it, nor did our Slovak tour guide, a lovely
young lady who both times guided us with heart and
understanding. As a group, we wrote a beautiful village history
that reflected our ancestor's world. The Slovak side wrote also
a book.
E. PHOTOS FROM EISDORF
Eisdorf
Today
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Geschichte der Deutschen in Oberstuben (Hauerland)
http://www.geburtig.de/ |
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CARPATHIAN GERMAN LIFE AND CULTURE
http://carpathiangerman.com/cities.htm |
CARPATHIAN GERMAN LIFE AND CULTURE
Folkways/Cooking
Cities Dialects
CARPATHIAN GERMAN CELEBS
Most Germans in Slovakia were hardworking farmers and
craftsmen. The elite was Magyar for a 1000 years. And so not
many Carpathian Germans had access to higher education and the
economic and political power needed to become noticable in the
world.
FOLKWAYS/COOKING
Folk Costume from the Zips.
There is an excellent English-language article on Zipser folk
costume by Karin Gottier, "The Costume of Zipser
Germans" in VILTIS: A Magazine of Folklore and Folk
Dance, vo. 47 No. 4 (December 1988), 5-10, Christmas, p. 19,
and dances, p.20.
If you need a copy, the address of the magazine was then P.O.
Box 1226, Denver, CO 80201.
Familynames/Housenames. In many areas of medieval
Southern Germany, large farms had names, usually one derived
from the first family that lived there, but not always. Very
often, since peasants did not have well-defined family names
until the late middle ages, a new family moving in was called
according to their house. After the middle-ages, the habit
remained though legal surnames now existed. In most of the
German area, as well as most of the Zips and Hauerland,
housenames became akin to a semi-official nickname: Legal
records would state that so-and-so (real name), known in the
community as (alias the housename), etc. Even when locals used
exclusively the housename in their dealings with each other,
there was a legal surname as well. But in some places, like
Muennichwies (today Vricko) in the Hauerland, an isolated
mountain village founded in 1450 in the uppermost Neutra Valley,
the medieval usage continued. Until the late 19th century the
husband marrying into a farm (when taking it over) legally
received the housename, and it was used exclusively in all
church entries about him and his children.
(from Johann Lasslob, in Heimatblatt Mai/June 2000, p.
5-6)
Cooking. Joachim Geburtig has a home page (in German)
with recipes from Oberstuben in the Hauerland at Recipes.
CARPATHIAN GERMAN PLACES
This part is in the planning stages. Webpages about
individual cities are:
- Eisdorf (Zips), by Thomas Reimer, at
Eisdorf
Oberstuben (Hauerland) by Joachim Geburtig at Oberstuben
Ratzersdorf (now a part of Pressburg), by Norbert
Gschweng, see Ratzersdorf
Metzenseifen (Zips, in Slovak Medzev), see Metzenseifen
Metzenseifen (an English website by a descendant, see
Metzenseifen-USA
Muennichwies (Hauerland, in Slovak Vricko), see Muennichwies
[To the top of the Webpage]
CARPATHIAN GERMAN SPEECH
Carpathian Germans were divided by dialects that were not
mutually intelligible, as these examples show. Pressburger
German was close to Viennese. The other two were rather unique.
These short pieces of Zipser, Hauerlaender and Pressburger
dialect are spelled phonetically, using standard German
phonemes.
A dancing song from the Zips
From Karpatenpost June 1968, p. j1.
Wu gejst hin, wu gejst hin, du schworzes Porailchen?
En die Mihl, en die Mihl, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wos sollst du en der Mihl, du schworzes Porailchen?
Mohln, mohln, mohln, mohln, mohln, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wos sollst med Mahl dank tun, du schworzes Porailchen?
Of mein Hochz, of mein Hochz, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wann wed dein schejn Hochz sein, du schworzes Porailchen?
Wanns Mihlchen pfeift, 's Korn a"uch reift, mein liebes
Frailchen.
Mei Gellenztol
From the Hauerland, only first and last strophes. In Hauerlander,
German "w" becomes "b," like Welt becomes
Belt. From Karpatenpost September 1968, p, K1.
Bie ho mei Gellenztol ich gean
En liebsten off da Belt
met all sein Ta"len ond Gepia"gn
met all sein Bald ond Feld....
Es Volk es stark, es fromm ond gutt
ond liebt sein freien Stand
Bie ho mein Gellenztol ich gean
mei teua Votaland
Ein Hauerlied aus Pressburg A wintner's song from
Pressburg, only first strophe. From Karpatenpost Sept. 1968, p.
j1.
Kaum kraht da Hohn die Moargenstund, do steht da Haua auf,
geht lusti u"ba Beach und Tol, is munta und wohlauf.
Di Sunn is sei Begleiterin von fru"ah bis in di Nocht,
wonn sie aus Osten freindli strohlt, he Leit, des is a Procht!
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