Fecske Family History

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THORNTON GENEALOGY PROJECT 2011

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Boiles Family
Dixon Family
Fecske Family
Hoyer Family
La Buda Family
Molony Family
Samko Family
Shaffer Family
Skarr Family
Sterling Family
Thornton Family
Wharton Family

Jozsef Fecske

Joseph Feczke

Anna La Buda Feczke
George J Feske
Helen Samko Feske
Joseph C Fecske
Lola Arold
John G Fecske

Mary A Lusinski Fecske
Anna Mae Feske
George W Feske
Ellamae Molony Feske
Charles John Fecske
Rannfrid Klausen Fecske

Apollonia Fecske
Ersebet Fecske
Ferencz Fecske
Istvan Fecske
Jozsef Fecske
Julianna Fecske
Joseph Feczke

Fecske - Unknown Photos and Information

Jozsef Fecske

Julianna Eperjesi Fecske
Maria Gyula

Joseph Feczke
Ferencz Fecske
Rozalia Fecske

Joseph Farkas

Joseph Farkas Jr
Robert Farkas
Maria Fecske

Ferencz Fecske

Barbara Kohl Fecske

Barbara Kovalcsik Kohl_mother
Frank Stephen Fecske
Edward Ferdinand Fecske

Danube Swabians
Germans of Hungary
Hungarian Names
Hungarian People

Bódvavendégi - Abaúj- Torna
Kosice
Levoca
Slowakei
Spisska Nova Ves
Szepes County
Upper Hungary
Zavada_Spis_Slovakia


Mertes Family -
neighbor family of Feske

Burnside_Chicago_Illinois
Our Lady of Hungary Catholic Church

          These family pages will be updated as information is acquired.  Initially, the information may just be added to the respective family pages for the purpose of assembling all pertinent information.  Verification of information and photographs will be completed on an on-going basis.  If you have any additional information to add, or concerns regarding the authenticity of any information or other material on this pages, please notify me as soon as possible ( tcthornton1@sbcglobal.net  ).  Corrections, additions, deletions and other activities will be completed as quickly as possible.

 

04/26/13

 

George J Feske - Helen Samko

Wedding

This portion of the same group was found on a copy sent to me from Carol Ann Johnson Thornton.  Now I have to get another copy to see if the left side of the group can be seen fully.  TCT
Fecske Family Photo

Joseph C Fecske, Joseph Feczke, Annie Labuda Feczke, George J Fecske, and John G Fecske

(This photo was crushed and in bad shape in a box; I will re-photo it without the glass plate holding it flat) TCT

Note on left lower corner states:

Fein - South Chicago

Sept 1924

Sacred Heart of Mary

and

Sacred Heart of Jesus

(I am not sure how old these are or where they originated)

George J and Helen (Samko) Feske
9147 South Ellis Avenue

Burnside, Chicago, Illinois

 
 

 

 

 

 

Hi Thomas,

We'd be interested in seeing older pictures in particular. Genealogy really is a massive project once you get started. I'm pursuing a couple dozen lines at once. A web page would be perfect -- and, if we're lucky, it would also attract other Fe(c)skes that stumble upon it, maybe giving us both some clues. I found a Hungarian Slovak genealogy online with an Anna Fecske from Bódvavendégi (born 1878) that married into the family (almost surely your great-grandfather's sister), and have written to the administrator about that to see if I can get any more information on the family. Keep me updated on that when it gets underway, OK?

I've also downloaded two reasonably detailed histories of the Fecskes' ancestral village of Bódvavendégi/Host’ovce Slovakia from the internet. One's in Hungarian and one's in Slovak. I intend to translate (or at least summarize) both when I can find the time, which is always the issue. My Slovak reading ability is OK, but the Hungarian is more of a challenge. Anyhow, I'm forwarding both to you just in case they're of any use to you in the meantime. They mostly say that lots of Catholic Hungarians lived in the village and that many went to the U.S. around 1900. :-)

I guess the secret is persistence. And experience; I know which websites to hang out at, and just plug away with the searches until something useful floats to the top.

Best wishes from Slovenia,

Don Reindl

History in Hungarian

Source: Bodnár Mónika 2002. Etnikai és felekezeti viszonyok a Felső-Bódva völgyében a 20. században [Ethnic and Religious Relations in the Upper Bódva Valley in the Twentieth Century] (= Interethnica 1). Komárno: Fórum inštitút, pp. 101–105 (http://mek.niif.hu/01600/01604/01604.pdf)

 

Vendigi

 

            Kisközség a történeti Torna vármegye felső járásában, majd 1881 után Abaúj-Torna vármegye tornai járásában. 1920–38 között, majd 1945 után Csehszlovákiához csatolták. 1905-ben Bódvavendéginek nevezték el, de a helyi szóhasználatban napjainkig megmaradt a Vendégi vagy Vendigi. Szlovák neve 1948-tól Host’ovce nad Bodvou. 1964-ben Nová Bodva (Újbódva) néven összevonták a szomszédos Horvátival és Újfaluval (Seresné 1983, 57; VSOS 2: 329). Napjainkban Szlovákiában a Kassa vidéki járásban található. 1990 óta ismét önálló. Az 1773. évi helységnévtár parókiával nem rendelkező magyar faluként említi Vendigit (Lexicon Locorum 1920, 271), bár egykori vendigi lelkészek feljegyzéseiből úgy tudjuk, hogy templomuktól és iskolájuktól ...a vendigii Reformatusok megfosztattak a régi időkben, akkoron t. i. mikor ebben a nemes Torna megyében – a mi Eklezsiaink nagy változást szennyvedtek – Templomot elvétettek ... Tehát az ellenreformáció korában Vendigi elveszítette anyaegyház mivoltát, s a lenkei (Bódvalenke) anyaegyházhoz csatolták. Oda tartozott egészen 1792-ig, amikor a Hernádbüdön tartott papi konferencián a vendigi és ardai (Hidvégardó) filiák a lenkei anyaegyháztól elváltak. Ekkor lett Vendigi ismét anyaegyház, ...mivel ott már az Oratorium és a Parokiális ház is készen volt[1]. Ebből következik, hogy a reformáció tanai itt is korán megjelentek és széles körben elterjedtek, ám az ellenreformáció hatása is jelentősen érvényesült. Egy 1806. évi egyházmegyei összeírásból tudjuk, hogy a református lelkész helyben lakott, de a reformátusok mellett római katolikusok és 12 görög katolikus is élt a faluban. Ez utóbbiak prédikációs nyelve a ruszin volt, s a horváti görög katolikus anyaegyházhoz tartoztak (Udvari 1990, 87). Fényes Elek a következőképpen írta le Vendigit: ...magyar falu, a Bódva mellett, Tornához dél-nyugotra 1/2 órányira: 160 kath., 345 ref. lak. Ref. anyaszentegyház (Fényes 1851, IV: 290). Látjuk tehát, hogy a falu lakosságának nagyobbik fele, több mint kétharmad része református volt. A Borovszky-féle vármegye-monográfiában a felekezeti megoszlás adatai nem szerepelnek, csak azt tudhatjuk meg, hogy a századforduló előtti években 352 magyar lakosa volt (Borovszky–Sziklay 1896, 306). A 20. század harmincas éveinek végén 419-en éltek a faluban, akik 3 kivételével mind magyarok voltak. A felekezeti megoszlást tekintve pedig 245 volt a reformátusok, 164 a római katolikusok, 6 a görög katolikusok, 2 az evangélikusok és 2 az izraeliták száma (Csíkvári 1939, 170). Az 1940. évi egyházlátogatási jegyzőkönyv 18. pontjának „megjegyzés“ rovatából tudjuk, hogy az állami iskola tanítója volt evangélikus vallású[2]. Izraelitákra a 40-es években nem emlékeznek, valószínűleg rövid ideig éltek csak Vendigiben. Azt viszont többen is állítják, hogy a század elején éltek itt zsidók, temetőjük is volt a faluban, de ma már ez nincs meg[3].

            Az amerikai kivándorlás nagyon elterjedt volt a faluban. A Borovszky-féle vármegye- monográfia is azon települések közé sorolta, ahol 1880–1890 között szembeötlő mértékű volt a lakosság számának apadása (Borovszky–Sziklay 1896, 368). A kivándorlási kedv a későbbiekben sem hagyott alább, ennek fényes bizonyítékai a presbitériumi jegyzőkönyvek, amelyek az 1889–1914 közötti években arról tanúskodnak, hogy az egyházközség működése nehézkes volt, a presbiterek és egyházfiak választása komoly problémát jelentett a gyakori kivándorlások miatt[4]. Ám emellett azt is el kell mondani, hogy az amerikások segítettek is egyházuknak, erről is tanúskodik az egyházi irattár[5]. Kalydy Miklós feljegyzéseiből tudjuk, hogy a vendigiek közül három család kivételével mindenki járt Amerikában[6]. Voltak, akik végleg kinnmaradtak, de a legtöbben néhány év után hazatértek. A férfiak zöme bányában dolgozott, ám nemcsak férfiak, gyakran fiatal lányok is szerencsét próbáltak. Volt aki háromszor is megjárta Amerikát. Akik hazatértek, az összegyűjtött pénzből általában földet vásároltak[7]. A második világháború utáni deportálások ezt a falut elkerülték. Oroszországi kényszermunkára az ittenieket nem vitték.

            Ezt a helybéliek azzal magyarázzák, hogy a faluban működő malomban szükség volt minden munkaerőre. Csehországba sem deportáltak senkit, de a fiatalok közül többen is elmentek munkát keresni. Néhányan ott is maradtak. A magyarországi kitelepítés annyiban érintette a falut, hogy több családot is szántak erre a sorsra, akik kaptak úgynevezett fehér levelet, ám végül mindnyájan maradhattak[8]. Lelkészüknek viszont menni kellett, ekkor telepítették át Kalydy Miklós református lelkészt és családját. Előbb csak a szomszéd faluba, Ardóba, ahol az iskolában voltak elszállásolva. Kalydyékat teljesen váratlanul érte a kitelepítés, éppen meszeltek, amikor megtudták, hogy menniük kell, 50 kg-os csomagot vihettek magukkal. Az ezt követő hetekben az egész falu, reformátusok, katolikusok egyformán, folyamatosan csempészték át részükre a szükséges holmikat, ágyat, ágyneműt stb. A vendigiek napjainkban is tartják a kapcsolatot a családdal, s ha valaki meglátogatja őket, mindenkiről, az egész faluról érdeklődnek, nemcsak a reformátusokról. Ezt annak bizonyságául mesélik, hogy itt nincsenek vallási ellentétek. Az egyházi irattár tanúsága szerint ugyan olykor kisebb összetűzésekre sor került a katolikusok és reformátusok között, de mindig sikerült megoldani a problémákat, azok soha nem fajultak el. Napjainkra gyakoriakká váltak a vallási értelemben vett vegyes házasságok, szinte már nincs is tiszta református vagy tiszta katolikus család a faluban.

            Vendigiben két templom van, a református II. József Türelmi Rendelete után, 1787-ben épült a régi harangláb helyén (Kováts 1942, II. 539). A katolikus templom 1815-ben épült. A vendigi katolikus közösség a második világháborút követő évekig az ardai anyaegyház filiáját alkotta, de a határok meghúzása végett kényszerűségből ezen változtatni kellett, ma Újfaluhoz tartozik.

            Az 1991. évi népszámlálás adatai szerint a falu lakosságának vallási megoszlása a következőképpen alakult: 124 volt a római katolikusok, 101 a reformátusok, 4 az evangélikusok száma, 1 görög katolikust írtak össze, 5-en nem vallották magukat hívőnek, 6 esetben pedig a vallási hovatartozás nem volt megállapítható. Nemzetiségi összetételét tekintve az 1991. évi adatok szerint a 241 lakosból 236 vallotta magát magyarnak, 5 pedig szlováknak. Az 1993. évi adatok szerint 226 magyart, 1 szlovákot, 1 sziléziait és 2 cigányt említenek. Ezek az adatok közel állnak a valósághoz, ám mégsem fedik azt teljesen. A szlovákok számát illetően nincs eltérés, egy-két szlovák menyecskét tart számon a falu. Viszont a jelzettnél magasabb a cigányok aránya, egyes becslések szerint 26 fő. Mind rendesek, befogadta őket a falu. Vegyes házasságban élnek a magyarokkal, akik általában környékbeliek.

            Régen is éltek itt cigányok, a most itt élők is az ő leszármazottaik. 1946-ban az egyik cigány család félelmében elmenekült Magyarországra. A meglévő cigányösszeírások is bizonyítják, hogy a megelőző korokban is éltek Vendigiben cigányok. Az 1768. március 20-i összeírásban ugyan Vendigi nem szerepel, de egy másik 1768-as összeírás szerint Gasparus Kuru nevű mester élt a faluban. 1773-ban már két családot – Gasparus Sándor és Gasparus Nanu – írtak öszsze, mindketten mesterek voltak, de az utóbbi zenéléssel is foglalkozott. Az 1854. évi összeírásban négy családot említettek – Orgovány Zsiga (4 fő) éjjeli őr, lúd pásztor; Orgovány József (1 fő) féllábú katona; Orgovány Ferenc (2 fő) muzsikus; Samu Gábor (3 fő) aprólékos munkás – útlevele egyiknek sincs, és egyik sem kereskedik[9]. A református egyház számtartókönyvében is találunk rájuk utaló bejegyzéseket: 1818. október 14. Mikor a templom tetejét állítottuk, a klammerért az ide való czigánynak fizettem ... –12; 1819. október 23. Sándor czigánynak 21 spernát szögért fizettem[10].

            Vendigiben napjainkban a lakosok száma alig haladja meg a kétszázat. Óvoda, iskola kb. húsz éve nincs a faluban, amióta egyesítették a vendigi, horváti és újfalusi intézményeket. Óvodába Újfaluba járnak, autóbusz szállítja őket. Iskolába szintén Újfaluba vagy Tornára utaznak. A mintegy húsz tanköteles gyerek közül kb. öten járnak szlovák iskolába, a többi magyarba. A faluban a magyar nyelvhasználat a jellemző minden családban. Vendigi elöregedő falu, sokáig nem volt lehetőség az építkezésre, ezért a fiatalok legtöbbje elköltözött Szepsibe vagy Tornára.



[1] Illés Dániel vendigi református prédikátor erre vonatkozó feljegyzései 1792-ből a vendigi református egyház irattárában találhatók. A Sárospataki Egyháztörténeti Gyűjteményben a vendigi református egyház történetére vonatkozó adalékok Benkő Gáspár ev. ref. lelkésztől 1879. évből. Itt mondok köszönetet Pocsai Eszternek, a gyűjtemény vezetőjének munkámhoz nyújtott segítségéért.

[2] Kifogásolandó az állami iskola evangélikus vallású tanítója és az egyház közötti viszony. Megkeresendő a tanfelügyelőség, hogy a ref. gyermekeknek az istentiszteletre való felvezetése tétessék a tanító kötelességévé. Kérelemmel kell fordulnia V. és K. Minisztériumhoz, hogy az evangélikus férfi tanerő cseréltessék ki reformátussal, ki a kántori teendőket is ellátná. Egyházlátogatási jegyzőkönyv 1940. Vendigi református egyházi irattár.

[3] Zsidók a negyvenes években az én emlékezetem szerint nem éltek itt. De korábban voltak. Édesapámék Siegel nevű családot emlegettek. Volt itt zsidótemető is, de már nincs, széthordták a márványt (Adatközlő: Balázs Irén, sz. 1928).

[4] Illusztrációként álljon itt néhány idézet:

1889. szeptember 25.: Nagy Sándor lelkész jelenti, hogy Zsóka István gondnok minden szó nélkül itt hagyta az egyházat s elköltözött Amerikába, felhívja a közgyűlést, hogy miután gondnok választás válván szükségessé, olyan gondnokot válasszanak, aki nem költözik ki Amerikába, nehogy az egyház annak legyen kitéve, hogy minden esztendőben új gondnokot válasszon.

1900. november 11.: Lelkész elnök felhívja a közgyűlést, hogy ...Olasz Ferenc gondnok lemondása és Amerikába távozása miatt ..., úgyszintén az Amerikába távozott Balázs Ferenc lemondásával megüresedett másik presbiteri állásra ...alkalmas egyéneket válasszon.

1903. január 2.: Lelkész előadja, hogy a 15 éven felüli ifjak a vasárnapi tanításért járó egy napszám munkát vagy a lelkész fájának az udvaron való felvágását az Amerikába való vándorlás miatt beállt munkáshiány miatt nem teljesítik, s a lelkész drága pénzen kénytelen a favágást eszközöltetni.

1904. március 5.: Ambrus János lelkész jelenti, hogy ifjú Cséplő Ferenc az egyházfi szolgálatot ...útban lévén Amerika felé nem fogadhatja el.

1912. július 21.: ...a presbitérium egy tagja Amerikába távozván, helye betöltendő.

1914. június 14.: Lelkész előadja, hogy miután Mató István egyházfi Amerikába távozott, új egyházfit kell választani.

Presbitériumi jegyzőkönyvek I-II. Vendigi református egyházi irattár.

Az én tudomásom szerint a negyvenes években nem éltek itt zsidók. Zsidótemető volt, nem nagy, vagy 12 sír volt benne (Adatközlő: Szabóné Mázik Mária, sz. 1943 – tanítónő).

[5] Az 1914. évi vagyonleltárban és az 1940. évi vagyontörzskönyvben olvasható:

1 db úrasztali piros posztókendő (keresztelésre) - Amerikai Balázs István emléke, 1902.

Presbitériumi jegyzőkönyv, 1903. november 29.: Lelkész jelenti, hogy Szabó József Amerikából a lelkész által könyöradomány gyűjtése céljából kiadott könyvre 461 korona gyűjtött pénzt küldött.

1907. augusztus 4.: Olvastatik Bene István és Bene Ferenc Amerikában tartózkodó híveinknek lelkésznek írott szép levelük, melyben írják, miszerint hallották, hogy egyházunk orgonát építtetni szándékozik, ők ugymond – e szándéknak a messzi távolban is nagyon örülnek, s hogy örömüknek tettel is kefejezést adjanak, gyűjtőkönyvet kérnek, igérvén, hogy tekintélyes összeget fognak e célra gyűjteni.

      A templomfelújításról szóló 1908. november 29-i jegyzőkönyvből tudjuk, hogy az orgona el is készült Ország Sándor rákospalotai orgonaépítő által.

1923. november 24.: Lelkész előadja, hogy 2 évvel ezelőtt gyűjtőíveket küldött Amerikába, amelynek eredménye a következő: Balázs Gyula gyűjtött 1200 koronát, Zsóka Ferenc 2000 koronát, Domonkos József 933 koronát ...

[6] Bódvavendégiben 1941. július 27 – 1945. május 11-ig. Írta Kalydy Miklós kiutasított lelkipásztor. Kézirat a Sárospataki Kollégium Levéltárában. A kéziratot kijegyzetelte 1978. szeptemberében Balázs Bálint, akinek munkám során nyújtott segítségét ezúton is köszönöm.

[7] Adatközlők: Balázs Irén 1928., Szabóné Mázik Mária 1943., Balázs Bálint 1951. Balázs Bálint a szájhagyomány útján megismert eseményeket novellisztikus formában feldolgozta, megírta.

[8] Mi is közéjük tartoztunk, de elszöktünk. Két napig tartott, közben lefújták a kitelepítést. Vagy hat ilyen család volt a faluban (Adatközlő: Szabóné Mázik Mária, sz. 1943).

A Cséplő és Király család elment félelmében (Adatközlő: Balázs Irén, sz. 1928).

[9] Cigányösszeírások a kassai járási levéltárban, TZˇ 1757-1848 jelzetű doboz.

[10] Jegyző vagy számtartó könyv 1809-1866. Vendigi református egyházi irattár.

Additional Fecske Information from Don Reindl

Grave Search Results

9/5/2011
Search for "Fecske" at Ancestry.com

http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gsr&GSfn=&GSmn=&GSln=Fecske&GSbyrel=all&GSby=&GSdyrel=all&GSdy=&GScntry=4&GSst=16&GScnty=705&GSgrid=&df=all&GSob=n

Fecske, Anna Labuda 66979468
b. Dec. 8, 1879 d. Mar. 10, 1953
Holy Sepulchre Cemetery
Alsip
Cook County
Illinois, USA
Fecske, Barbara Kohl 66979146
b. Jul. 23, 1893 d. Jan., 1978
Assumption Catholic Cemet...
Glenwood
Cook County
Illinois, USA
Fecske, Ferencz 66979267
b. Dec. 29, 1890 d. Jul., 1961
Assumption Catholic Cemet...
Glenwood
Cook County
Illinois, USA
Fecske, Frank 66980158
b. unknown d. Nov. 9, 1913
Mount Olivet Catholic Cem...
Chicago
Cook County
Illinois, USA
Fecske, Irene 66847371
b. Mar. 29, 1919 d. Nov. 18, 1922
Mount Olivet Catholic Cem...
Chicago
Cook County
Illinois, USA
Fecske, Joseph 66979520
b. Jan. 1, 1877 d. Oct. 30, 1954
Holy Sepulchre Cemetery
Alsip
Cook County
Illinois, USA
Fecske, Joseph C. 66979357
b. Mar. 29, 1907 d. Feb., 1983
Assumption Catholic Cemet...
Glenwood
Cook County
Illinois, USA
Fecske, Louis Edward 66978515
b. Dec. 6, 1930 d. Dec. 9, 1930
Mount Olivet Catholic Cem...
Chicago
Cook County
Illinois, USA
Fecske, Rose 67065985
b. Mar. 8, 1916 d. Sep. 26, 1999
Saint Mary Catholic Cemet...
Evergreen Park
Cook County
Illinois, USA
Fecske, William 67065941
b. Jul. 28, 1920 d. Oct. 31, 1987
Saint Mary Catholic Cemet...
Evergreen Park
Cook County
Illinois, USA

 

 

 

 

History in Slovak

KRÁTKA HISTÓRIA OBCE

Source: http://www.leader.rramoldava.sk/LEADER/HOSTOVCE/O3.htm

Územie regiónu obývané od doby kamennej bolo križovatkou obchodných ciest najmä z Dolnej zeme smerom na Spiš a Poľsko. Od 13. storočia obec patrila do Turnianskej stolice , neskôr župy až do roku 1848 keď sa vytvorila Abovsko-turnianska župa. Obec bola súčasťu okresu Turňa Od roku 1923 patrila obec do dnes už neexistujúceho okresu Moldava, ktorý bol v roku 1960 pričlenený k okresu Košice. Z okresu Košice sa v roku 1968 vyčlenil okres Košice-vidiek , dnes Košice-okolie.

V súčasnosti obec patrí do okresu Košice-okolie, Košický samosprávyn kraj. Je členom mikroregionálneho združenia obcí - Združení Miest a obcí Údolia Bodvy s centrom v Moldave nad Bodvou a Združenia miest a obcí Košice-okolie.

Prvá písomna zmienka o obci je z roku 1263, keď je meno obce zapísané ako villa Wendegy, vtedy ostihomský arcibiskup prepustil desiatky z Torny a Vendégi, vtedy tunajším farárom. Je teda zrejme, že obec bola už v tom čase rozvinutou dedinou. Ale jej založenie je staršie. Obec bola založená na území patriacom Turnianskému hradu a v listine z 31.mája 1243 kráľ Béla IV. oslobodil hosťov (vendég) bývajúcich v Olassy de Tornava a udelil im privilégia. Smeli si slobodne voliť richtára (villicus), ktorý mal súdiť podľa zvyklosti hosťov. Dostali voľnú ruku na udržovanie svojich zvyklostí a vymáhanie kráľovských daní v takej výške, ako to bolo určené kráľom Kalmánom určený, inak bratom Bélu IV. Táto listina sa vzťahuje na dnešnú obec Hosťovce a nie na Spišský Vlachov, ako sa donedávna domievalo. Podľa legendy kráľ Béla IV. roku 1242 sa istý čas zdržiaval v tomto kraji, býval v obciach Gorgo (Hrhov) a Udvarnok (Dvorníky), včelárstvo mal v Szádello (Zádiel) a Méhesz (Včeláre). V našej obcivraj stála drevená krčma- hostinec, pre kráľa a jeho hostí, kde ho tunajší obyvatelia vždy pohostili a kráľ sem rád chodil. Odtiaľ meno obce. Inak po kráľovi Bélovi IV. sa v okolí zachovalo množstvo legiend oa pamätnných miest. Spočiatku boli dediny obce zviazané s turianským domíniom a až po dostavbe hradu Szádvár (v chotári obce Szogliget v Maďarsku) sa stáva jeho majetkom. Hrad Szárvád bol postavený po tatárskom vpáde (1241- 1242), ale prvýkrát je doložený až v roku 1268 v listine podpísanej kráľom Istvánom V. Podľa nej Tekusov súrodenec Bács vydal hrad nepriateľom kráľa. Na konci 13 storočia hrad bol majetkom rodín Sziniovcov, Szalonnaiovcova Jósvafoiovcov. Neskôr ho kráľ László IV. či András III.vymenil za iné hrady. Kráľ Károly Róbert hrad roku 1330 daroval svojím obľubencom, jemu oddanej rodine Drugethovcov. Roku 1415 Szádvár prešiel do rúk rodiny Bebekovcov (Pelsoczi) a tým aj obec Bódvavendégi. Okolo roku 1430 v obci žilo približne 480-500 obyvateľov(bolo tu 30 port). V polovici 15 storočia hrad a panstvo obsadili husiti, teda aj obyvatelia našej obce poznali ukrutnosti tohto povstaleckého vojska. Ale roku 1454 ich vodca Péter Komorovsky ho vrátil Bebekovcom. Nakoľko syn Imre Bebeka Pál zomrel bez potomka hradný majetok Szádvár delila Obec od 13 storočia bola majetkom mocného rodu Abovcov, ktorý v župe vlastnil rozsiahle majetky. Neskôr bol tu zemepánom rod Bebekovcov. Vývoj počtu obyvateľov roku 1939 -419 obyv. 1999- 208 obyvateľov, z ktorých je 97,51% maďarskej národnosti. Žil a pracoval tu známy drevorezbár Ján Béreš, vyrábal drobné malé náradie poľnohospodárske potreby, mal aj výstavu. Dnes sú tieto výrobky vyložené v Moldave nad Bodvou na mestkom úrade.Charakteristické pre túto obec z minulosti je poľnohospodárstvo. K dispozicí je kronika z roku 1947, mapy, staré fotografie. Historické známe osobnosti pochádzajúce z tejto obce: Fecske Štefan profesor teológie, Ing. Vareš jozef profesor strednej priemiselnej školy, Šolc Gejza mlynár, Béreš Gábor farár. Nacházda sa tu reformovaný kostol z roku 1787. V obci sa dodnes zachoval vodný mlyn, ktorý slúžil obyvateľom celého údolia Bodvy.

 

http://www.familysearch.org/Eng/Search/ancestorsearchresults.asp?last_name=Fecske

Results for Fecske:

Exact Spelling: Off  
  Matches: All Sources - 22
International Genealogical Index - Continental Europe
1. Catharina Fecske - International Genealogical Index / CE
Gender: Female Birth: 25 JAN 1762 Jaszbereny, , , Hungary
2. Catharina Fecske - International Genealogical Index / CE
Gender: Female Birth: 25 JAN 1762 Jaszbereny, , , Hungary
3. Georgius Fecske - International Genealogical Index / CE
Gender: Male Birth: 1721 Of Jaszbereny, , , Hungary
Matches: International Genealogical Index/Continental Europe - 3

International Genealogical Index - North America

4. Anna Mae Patricia Fecske - International Genealogical Index / NA
Gender: Female Birth: 30 SEP 1929 Chicago, Cook, Illinois
5. Charles John Fecske - International Genealogical Index / NA
Gender: Male Birth: 23 AUG 1933 Chicago, Cook, Illinois
Matches: International Genealogical Index/North America - 2

U.S. Social Security Death Index
6. Joseph FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 1 Mar 1967  State Where Number was Issued: California  Death: 19 Aug 2005
7. Barbara FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 23 Jul 1893  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: Jan 1978
8. Charles FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 23 Aug 1933  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: 4 May 2008
9. Frank FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 23 Jan 1916  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: 5 Sep 1996
10. John FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 25 Dec 1909  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: Nov 1978
11. Joseph FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 29 Mar 1907  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: Jan 1983
12. Leona FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 7 Jul 1924  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: 28 Jul 2007
13. Leslie FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 2 Sep 1917  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: 2 Aug 2005
14. Mary FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 8 Sep 1913  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: 21 Aug 2003
15. Rose FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 8 Mar 1916  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: 26 Sep 1999
16. Vincent FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 12 Aug 1924  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: 15 Mar 2000
17. William FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 29 Jul 1920  State Where Number was Issued: Illinois  Death: 31 Oct 1987
18. John FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 17 May 1918  State Where Number was Issued: Ohio  Death: May 1984
19. Oscar FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 10 Sep 1924  State Where Number was Issued: Ohio  Death: 20 Jul 1999
20. Rita FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 21 Jul 1924  State Where Number was Issued: Ohio  Death: 26 Jan 2010
21. Rose FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 26 May 1923  State Where Number was Issued: Ohio  Death: 7 Sep 2008
22. Shirley FECSKE - U.S. Social Security Death Index
Birth: 5 May 1941  State Where Number was Issued: Ohio  Death: 5 Mar 1996
Matches: U.S. Social Security Death Index - 17

 

Charles J. Fecske

  • BORN: August 23, 1933
  • DIED: May 4, 2008
  • RESIDENCE: La Grange Park, IL
http://tributes.com/show/Charles-Fecske-83346075

Helen Feske

  • BORN: November 24, 1909
  • DIED: June 1977
  • RESIDENCE: Peotone, IL
http://tributes.com/show/Helen-Feske-40794581

George W. Feske

  • BORN: October 24, 1931
  • DIED: May 5, 1995
  • RESIDENCE: Country Club Hills, IL
http://tributes.com/show/George-Feske-36474178

Ellamae E. Feske

  • BORN: August 5, 1933
  • DIED: March 27, 2001
  • RESIDENCE: Homewood, IL
http://tributes.com/show/Ellamae-Feske-39988568

Lenore Molony

  • BORN: November 26, 1907
  • DIED: April 1985
  • RESIDENCE: Tinley Park, IL

not sure of this one; Ellamae 's mother???

http://tributes.com/show/Lenore-Molony-39989331
 
 
 

German Places in Slovakia

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Fecsko Budkovce ZEMPLIN Cunningham
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Feczko Slov. Krive ZEMPLIN Hendershot
Feczko Smilno SARIS Pallo
Feczko Solivar SARIS Hendershot
Feczko Staskovce ZEMPLIN Hendershot
Feczko Vys. Hrabovec ZEMPLIN Hendershot
Feczko Vysne Repase SPIS Hendershot
Feczko Vysny Kazimir ZEMPLIN Hendershot
Feczko Zamutov ZEMPLIN Hendershot

 

Surname Location Reference Project - C to F
Surname...Slovakia Location...County...Submitter...State or Province...Reference Number
FECSKO ...... Stropkov ...... Zemplin ...... Mencel ...... VT ...... 0026A
FECZKO ...... Vysne Repase ...... Spis ...... Sabol ...... PA ...... SP-043A

http://feefhs.org/links/Slovakia/skdb1/slrp-cf.html

 

Background:The Surname Location Reference Project, is compiling a database of emigrants from Slovakia and where they located in North America. Basically, the only information kept is the surname, location and county in Slovakia, and name and address of the submitter.

The idea is that individuals doing genealogical work on a particular surname or location in Slovakia can be put in touch with others working on the same surnames or locations.

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New Information found by TCT October 3, 2011

trying to find information on heritage Anna (Hoyer?)(Samko) Hegedus

Also, Labuda and Fescke's came from this same area.

http://carpathiangerman.com/zipsancestry.htm

Carpathian German Homepage

http://carpathiangerman.com/zipsancestry.htm

MY ANCESTORS FROM THE ZIPS

A. WHERE IS ZIPS COUNTY

The ancestors of my mother's father came exclusively from two small German towns in the Zips, Eisdorf and Zipser Bela. This is a general introduction to the history and the customs of the native Germans of the Zips. For the history of these two towns, click: Zips County (in Magyar Szepes Megye, slovakian S^pis), is in the North-East of today's Slovak Republic. It is a high plateau surrounded by Carpathians and the High Tatra, the Branisko chain to the East and the Goellnitzer Erzgebirge to the South. The main rivers are the Popper, Kundert (Hernad in Slovakian), Goellnitz and Dunajetz. The village of Eisdorf in the Zips, (Hungarian Iszakfalva or Zszakocz, Slovakian Zakovce in Spis), all three meaning village of Isaac, probably the founder, but in the 20th century often taken to mean "ice village," a pun I often heard as a child from relatives who told me in the village "nine months its winter there, the other three months just cold") , is a small village about 8 km (or 5 miles) from the provincial center of Kaesmark (also spelled Kesmark). The name of that city comes probably from old South German Kes, meaning glacial, because set near mountains, and not from cheese market (Kaese Markt). But one does not know for certain and there are two interpretations. The Zips was connected to the main agricultural area along the Gran through the Kundert River. Eisdorf lies in a small wedge protected (relatively speaking) against the icy winds from the Tatra Mountains. It is one of the few Zips vilages without access to a river, only a small brook crosses the village. Most of the drinking water had to be taken from wells.

B. HISTORY OF ZIPS COUNTY

1. Prehistory to the Coming of Magyars and Slovaks: The history of the Zips is hidden in the mist of time. There are traces of people who lived there in the stone and the bronze-ages. The first people of whom we know the names were the Kotiner, who were Iberians. In the fifth century B.C. the Celts conquered the area, and over time assimilated the conquered, including the Kotiner. In the first century B.C. smaller German tribes settled in the Zips, notably Sidonians, Naristians and Buren. They had settlements on the sites of the future Kesmark and Grossschlagendorf, notably. After the much larger German tribes of the Quaden and Markomannen followed, the entire area of today's Slovakia became Germanic. The Markomannen and Quaden were often at war with the Roman Empire, and since Germans did not yet use writing save for runes for short messages, all we know about them was written by their Roman enemies. Rev. Rainer Rudolf notes that surviving old charts from Neuendorf up to the 14th century name a small group of people living in an isolated spot in the Goellnitz valley , the Chodener, who are called neither Germans, Slavs nor Magyars. They probably were the last remnants of the old Kotiner, who, though not using their own Iberian language since over 1500 years, still were dimly conscious of their tribal identity. Then they vanished, assimilated by the surrounding peasantry. The Quaden were virtually destroyed by the Romans in the late 4th century C.E. Their remnants fled to the Zips fastness, and left with the Langobarden, who were travelling through from the upper Vistula, to conquer Northern Italy (Lombardy, the Land of the Langobards) in 568 C.E. In 2005, the nearly intact grave of a germanic chieftain from the early 5th century was found on the site of an industrial park in Matzdorf, as reported by the Slovak Spectator on November 6, 2006.

The situation after 568 C.E. is quite contentious among modern historians. For some, the area was empty, a res nullius, and hence its sole legitimate possessors are the Slavic tribes that followed after the Germans left. But archaeological finds--important for the centuries when few written records were created, and even fewer survived--and the transmission of Germanic place names, show that several thousand Germans remained. But they were likely assimilated by the Slavs over the next three centuries, when the area payed tribute to the Turkic Avars. The Avars were beaten by the Frankish Empire of Karl der Grosse (Charlemagne) in the Awar Wars from 791 and 803 C.E. As noted by Pater Rainer Rudolf in Zipser Land und Leute, to secure the area, the Franks founded several castles and villages in the Zips, notably on the site of Arnoldsdorf (slv. Arnutovce) and Toppertz (from Theudeberts), Mengsdorf and Lautschburg. From what is known from other Eastern areas with Frankish border defense villages, these were inhabited not only by German soldier-farmers, but by Christianized Slavs as well. After the 9th century, very little is known about the Zips for the next two centuries. Wild Magyar horsemen tumbled down the Carpathian passes in the late 9th century and conquered an area even larger than the Avar Empire: The great Pannonian plain, and the mountains around it, from Croatia in the South to Upper Hungary (future Slovakia) in the North and Transylvania in the East.

In 907 the Magyars beat the German army decisively. In 991, the Bavarian duke Heinrich der Zaenker (the quarrelsome) destroyed the Magyar army. In between, the few German villages left by the Carolingians in the 9th century may or may not have perished. No document telling us survived. After the Magyars became Christians, they wanted to develop their kingdom into a modern state. But they were few in numbers. Their slavic bondsmen were not numerous either after 4 centuries of constant warfare. And neither group was accustomed to live in cities, nor experienced in crafts and mining. The Magyars did not effectively incorporate the Zips till the mid-11th century, when they built their Gyepü (border stripes) settlements for border soldiers (landzsasok) , and the North only in the late 12th. .

2. The First German Settlers: In old Hungary, save for a small area of "clan land" taken by the seven Magyar clans at the time of conquest, the king not just ruled, but actually also owned the kingdom. Most of it was unsettled in the early middle ages, (the entire population of the Hungarian kingdom is estimated at 200,000 souls in the 10th century). Subjects on that land, whether nobles or non-nobles, only "owned" the hereditary right to use a certain piece of land, subject to annual payments, or military service in the case of tax-exempt nobles. The king could either remain the direct lord of a settled area, which then was a "crown land," and the peasants would pay to him the taxes owed to him as king plus the rent owed to him as lord for the right to till the land. Or he could assign his ownership rights rights to a noble, to whom the peasants then owed the rent for the right to till the soil. In exchange, the nobleman owed military service and had to do all the administrative work for the king for that area. In principle, he also owed the peasants, whether serfs or free, maintenance in case of famine and protection from outside enemies. To transform the forest into tax-producing farms, the Hungarian kings distributed much land to nobles, who then tried to get settlers. Some areas became royal cities (koenigliche Freistaedte) that is received charters giving them autonomy and putting them forever under direct royal rule. Most cities had lesser rights--generally they were autonomous in their administration, their burghers were not serfs, but often they were subjected to the obligation to pay rent to nobles for the land they used. There was no uniform code of laws then, and each group of city-founders was able to negotiate more or less rights for their city.

Well documented is the settlement of Germans in the Zips County (Szepes Megye) during the reign of Geza II (r. 1142-1161) and especially Andreas II (r. 1204-1235). In contrast to the Germans of the Hauerland and Pressburg, whose dialect points to bavarian-franconian origins, the Upper Zipser dialect points to Northwest Germans (Lower Rhineland, Flanders) but who had settled first in neighboring Silesia. In specific cases, settlers came from other German areas as well, as in Eisdorf, whose inhabitants were brought from the Eisacktal in South Tyrol by their Lord, Bishop Ekbert of Andechs-Meran, who owned land in South Tyrol and in the Zips. He also brought settlers from his lands around Bamberg, whose bishop he was, such as to the lower Zips, the Zipser Gruende, where the children of the Upper Zips Germans intermingled with the Bavarian-Franconian miners. The dialect of the Lower Zips is quite different from that of the Upper Zips, while the area around Lublau, including Hopgarten, spoke a Silesian German dialect. Their villages had been settled by the Piasts from Krakau in Poland, until the border was set.

In the Zips, the first great landholder known to posterity was the above-named Ekbert of Andechs-Meran. His sister Gertrud was the wife of King Andreas II. Ekbert received from the king a large chunk of the Zips around Gross-Lomnitz and Eisdorf. Ekbert then granted the land to the Zipser abbot Adolf, whose sister was married with the knight Rutker von Matrei, the ancestor of the noble houses of Berzeviczy and Tharczay. The Berczeviczy family received from the king further lands in the Zips and founded the villages of Bierbrunn, Landeck, Altendorf, Katzwinkel and many others. By 1241, about 4,000 people lived in the Zips, mainly German settlers, plus about 1,000 Magyar border guards and their Slovak bondsmen. The Mongol invasion of 1241 (Mongolensturm) destroyed most of the settlements, German and Magyar, as well archives. In the Zips, a century of work was destroyed, and about half of the people killed by the Mongols. The others survived a heroic siege on the Zufluchtsstein (Stone of Refuge, Lapis Refugii), a fortified mountain plateau near Gross-Schlagendorf, under their commander Jordan von Gargau, ancestor of the locally important noble family of Görgey.

By now, the Kings of Hungary were more interested in making this important border area well-populated. Slovak peasants were settled from the neighboring Komitats. So were many new German settlers, called by King Bela IV (r. 1235-1270). Together with the survivors, they rebuilt the cities and villages. Having performed heroically during the Mongol invasion, Jordan received the old Carolingian village of Toppertz as seat, and went on to found in the 13th century Malthern, Schoenwald, Kreig, Scheuerberg, and Bauschendorf, as well as the mixed Slavic-German village of Windschendorf (windisch=Slavic) .

Hungary was divided in counties, administered by a Gespann and a county legislature made up of the local nobles. In 1271, 24 German cities of the Zips were consolidated into a German autonomous area, the Zipser Staedtebund (city league) within the Zips county, which remained autonomous till 1876 from the royal county administration of Zips Megye, to which it continued to belong otherwise. In that area of the Zips, the king remained Lord, or had become Lord again in the troubled time after the Mongol invasion. The Federation, for the annual payment of 300 Marks (one mark was about a half-pound) of pure silver and 50 soldiers, plus free food for the king and his court should they visit, was freed from further financial obligations towards the king--but not the nobles if their land was on land that was part of a noble estate. The original 24 cities owed no rent to area nobles. An important concession was that the governor of the autonomous area, the Zipser Staedtebund, the count of the Zips, (Zipser Graf), was not appointed by the king but elected for life by an assembly of county notables, city mayors and priests. The name remained though their number (including larger villages) grew to 43 by 1312, some of which were on noble land. Kesmark left the Bund in 1350, when it became a royal free city. The rights of these cities were codified in the "Zipser Willkür" in 1370 by king Ludwig I.

As a result, the county of the Zips, after its borders were set in the 14th century having 3,605 km2 (1,442 sq. miles), was split into several distinct administrative areas. These were the self-governing Lanzentraeger villages, 10 of them (with 29 hamlets), with its Magyar nobles, the royal free cities of Leutschau and Kesmark, and the the Saxon province with its 24 cities (of which 13 where mortgaged to Poland from 1412-1772). The Lanzenträger lost their autonomie in 1804, the Zipser cities in 1802, and the two royal free cities in 1876.

The original 24 cities of the Zipser Städtebund were Zipser Bela, Leibitz, Menhard, Georgenberg, Deutschendorf, Michelsdorf, Wallendorf, Zipser Neudorf, Rissdorf, Felka, Kirchdrauf, Matzdorf, Durlsdorf (these 13 cities were mortgaged to Poland from 1412-1772), Muehlenbach, Gross-Schlagendorf, Eisdorf, Donnersmark, Schmoegen, Sperndorf, Kabsdorf, Kirn, Palmsdorf, Eulenbach, and Dirn. In addition, there were five free royal cities, Leutschau, Zeben, Bartfeld, Eperies, Kaschau, joined in 1350 by Kesmark. In the Southern Zips, seven German cities formed the "Sieben Oberungarische Bergstädte" (Seven Upper Hungarian Mining Towns' League), that is Zipser Neudorf, (which also belonged to the 24-City League), Goellnitz, Schmoellnitz, Rosenau, Jossau, Rudau and Telken.

Only about half of Zips county belonged to the Zipser Town Federation. The other half, inhabited by Magyars, Germans and Slovaks, on land either still owned directly by the king, or on land granted to nobles or to cloisters (such as Schwenik), remained under the standard county administration, paying taxes to the king plus rent in cash and kind to the feudal lord who had received manorial rights to an estate from the king. But in 1412, king Sigismund needed a large amount of cash quickly, and borrowed it from the king of Poland. The loan was secured by mortgaging the tax income of 13 of the 24 members of the Zipser Städte Bund, including Zipser Bela, and the three cities belonging to the royal estate of Alt-Lublau (Alt-Lublau, Pudlein and Kniesen; these were old German cities but rather assimilated by Slavs by the 15th century). The mortgaged cities legally continued to belong to Hungary, but were administered by Polish officials headquartered in the castle of Alt-Lublau. The Polish administration lasted till 1772. The legal status of the cities mortgaged to the Polish king remained "frozen" as it was in 1412; they remained free from feudal dues to a lord. But this mortgaging weakened the power of the 11 remaining Zipser cities. In 1465, the king made the office of county head (Obergespann) hereditary in certain families, in the Zips to the Zapolya, followed by the Thurzo in 1536, and the Csaky in 1636. This did not make the royal domains administered by that family their property, unlike the holdings they had received as estate, but in practice, the distinction between the two eroded. While at first, taxes remained the same, they soon were hiked arbitrarily. The 11 towns impovertished. When the 13 cities and the 3 cities of the estate of Alt-Lublau were redeemed in 1772, they could not be reunified anylonger with their 11 sister cities because their legal and economic status was now so different. Rather, the 16 mortgaged cities became a new Bund der 16 Zipser Städte, till its autonomy was abolished in 1876.

In 1526, the Hungarian army was destroyed at Mohacs, and its king died on the battlefield, betrayed by the selfish nobles who opposed his plans to streamline administration and curtail their powers. The Hungarian capital was moved to Pressburg. The hungarian nobles then elected the Habsburgs, who were dukes of Austria and other territories, as well as elected Emperors of Germany, also hereditary kings of Hungary.

3. Lost of Majority due to War and the Plague: The German majority declined proportionally to Slavic inhabitants beginning with the 15th century. There was the devastation left by the Czech Hussites in the 15th century, the Turkish border warfare in the 16th and 17th centuries, religious strife between Protestants and the Catholic monarch (who were Emperors as Emperors of Germany--there was no Emperor of Austria until 1803--and kings of Hungary), and the civil wars between pro- and anti-Habsburg nobles. The latter had religious overtones as well, since the anti-Habsburg forces were often Calvinists and prepared to tolerate Lutherans (usually Carpathian Germans) while the armies of the German--but more importantly, Catholic-- monarch, killed them as heretics. In 1606, the Emperor-King allowed religious freedom to Protestants, but this promise was not respected by his sharply Catholic successors. This, together with other issues, led to uprisings led by mainly Calvinist noblemen, with the support of the Lutheran German cities--with the Turks always looming in the background. After an uprising by Emmerich Thököly, Emperor Leopold I granted in 1681 at the Landtag of Oedenburg a limited religious toleration. Protestants as such were allowed to exist. But they were discriminated in their right to hold public office, and could have only 2 churches per county (the so-called Articularkirchen, from article 26 of the Treaty). These had to be entirely from wood (even no nails allowed) and outside the city walls, too--probably so that the Turks could burn them easily during raids. There was a last, terrible convulsion in the area from 1683 to 1711. In 1683, the Turkish army laid siege to Vienna, was beaten back with enormous loss of life, and by 1699 forced out of most of Hungary. Upper Hungary was now free from the threat of Turkish raids. Flush with victory, Leopold I rued his 1681 promise of religious toleration and began again to persecute Protestants. The Protestant nobles revolted in 1703 until 1711, when in the peace of Szathmar the toleration of 1681 was confirmed. The Carpathian German cities were very hard hit by these wars, and also by the plague, with that of 1710 killing perhaps 7,000 Zipser, again more in the cities. Then, by the 17th century, most Catholic village priests (badly paid by the state, and ill-educated) were Slovaks who promoted their language among the villagers under their charge. The Tax Census of 1720 showed, according to Joerg Hoensch, (2001) that Magyars were still only 4% of the local population, but Germans now only a small majority, and the rest Slovaks and Ruthenes. By 1790, the Slavs had even become a slight majority. In 1781, Emperor Joseph II in 1781 issued an edict of general religious tolerance for all Lutherans in Hungary. He also encouraged some immigration from the overpopulated Southwest of Germany to the Dunajetz valley in the Northernmost Zips. But he also ordered in 1783 that all artisans, notwithstanding their religion or ethnicity, should be made burghers, which threatened the cultural cohesion of those cities that were still German and restricted burghership to ethnic Germans, and Magyars and Slovaks willing to intermarry and assimilate into the German people.

For example, Karpfen, one of the oldest German cities in the lower Zips, whose "Saxones de Corpona" (Saxons from Karpfen) were noted in documents as early as 1135, was destroyed by the Mongols, rebuilt, flourished, and then was destroyed by the Hussites of Jan Jiskra in the late 15th century. After the Hussites had been kicked out, to rebuild the city, non-Germans were allowed to become burghers, too. The first larger group of Slovaks moved into the city. Living in a German environment, they were going to assimilate over the next generations, but then came the Turkish wars that decimated the local Germans. In 1566, Turkish raiders killed 2 burghers and took 44 into slavery; in 1570, 20 burghers working their fields were killed; another attack happened in 1578, and in 1582 over 200 Karpfen burghers were taken into slavery. For a small city, these continuous losses were hard to make up. In 1611, Karpfen elected a Magyar as mayor, the first non-German since the city's foundation. In 1650, only 11 German children and 87 Slovak children were born, noted from the language used at baptism. In 1673, the German Lutheran minister left the town, because the flock had become too small to support him. By 1740, the great Slovak historian Matthias Bel reported that only a few very old people remembered that the city, now the Slovak city of Krupina, once had German inhabitants.

Assimilation also happened in Menhard (Menhardsdorf), or Vrbov in Slovak. Founded in the 13th century by German settlers led by the Schultheiss (mayor) Meynhard (at the time, commoners rarely had family names), it was a German village till the 19th century despite being mortgaged to Poland from 1412 to 1778. In 1880, of 789 inhabitants, 736 were Germans, 35 Slovaks and 17 Jews (mainly German-speaking). But by 1940, of 870 inhabitants, 410 were Slovaks, 407 Germans, 7 Jews, and 52 others.

At the same time, the overpopulation of the farming areas led many Zipser to emigrate already in the late 18th century to the Bukovina, (Buchenland), notably the area of Zibau, where Zipser German was spoken till World War II, to the area of today's Karpato-Ukraine and of today's Maramures area in Romania, (the Karpato-Ukraine includes part of the old Magyar county of Marmaros, but also other counties such as Bereg), in the latter notably the areas of Ober-Wischau and the nearby Wassertal (Valea Vaser in Romanian). Zipser Saxons founded Oberwischau in the 12th century as a mining settlement, but the original population was assimilated over the centuries. The 18th century migrants came mainly from the Oberzips, notably the area around Kesmark and Leutschau, but also from Germany proper. Despite the ethnic cleansing of the Germans of the East after World War II, traces of Zipser famlies still survive in the Wassertal and Oberwischau. This website here is in German, and has pictures (2005) Oberwischau . This emigration further reduced the number of Germans.

In 1847, the census counted 191,523 people in the Zips, of which 63,833 were Germans, 2,043 Jews, 500 (!) Magyars, 98,951 Slovaks and 26,196 Ruthenians. The Germans, excluding Jews, were now only 33% of the population. And after 1867, the urban Germans increasingly became Magyars, owing to the pressure of "magyarization" laws. In 1880, the census counted 172,881 people in the Zips. Of these 48,169 were German, 96,274 were Slovaks, 5,941 Jews, 16,158 were Ruthenians, and 3,526 Magyars. By 1910, the total number of inhabitants was 171,725 people, of which 38,434 were Germans, 7,475 Jews, 97,077 Slovaks, 12,327 Ruthenian, and 18,658 Magyar. Most of these Magyars were former Germans. A good example of the ethnic change was Zipser Bela, where, without any "ethnic cleansing," from 1880 to 1890 the number of Germans fell by 19 percent, from 1890 to 1900 by another 8.3 percent, and from 1900 to 1910 by another 13.5 percent while the number of Magyars exploded. (From Ladislaus Guszak, in Karpatenpost February 1969, p. 4, based on census data in Dr. Erich Fausel, Das Zipser Deutschtum, Jena, Germany, 1927, p. 111).

4. Burghers and Robots: Social Rank in the Zips: The Zips had legally, till 1848, three classes of people. The nobles owned the land and had a seat in the county legislature. They were tax exempt. The local nobles tried from the 14th century onwards to become feudal lords of the remaining royal areas. They succeeded especially after 1526, when the new Habsburg kings desperatly needed the support of the nobles against the Turks. This included the remaining 11 cities of the Zipser federation. While the people of these little cities kept their local self-rule and were not made into serfs, (leibeigen) they now had to pay the king's annual rent to a noble family. The rent was raised substantially. The rent was due in cash and in kind, and increasingly also unpaid labor, called the robot). The Csaky remained hereditary Obergespann of the Zips till 1848, and after that remained appointed county heads. Albin Csaky, (1841-1912), who later served as minister of education in Budapest, was Obergespann till 1880, the last of his family to hold the office.

The Buerger, or burghers, of the remaining free royal cities paid royal taxes collectively through these. Untertanen (subjects) were the peasants and artisans of the villages and small cities that had come under feudal rule. The most common occupation, even in the towns, was that of peasant, called a Untertan, Bauer, and in the 19th century a Landwirth, in latin colonus. The Besiztlose, consisting of Hausleute, Kleinhaeusler, Mietsleute etc were people without enough land to live from farming. They eked out what their could from their garden plots and worked as laborers or itinerant laborers or peddlers.

[To the top of the Webpage] 5. Torn from the Fatherland: World War I and its aftermath: In August 1914, World War I broke out. The Zips was administed in 1914 by Obergespann baron Arthur Wieland and Vizegespann Dr. Ludwig Neogrady, in 1918 by Dr. Tibor von Mariassy. The Zips' roughly 172,000 people, mainly small farmers, with some industrial workers, could not expect to eke enough food from the county's soil. The Russian offensive into Eastern Galicia in Fall 1914 caused panic, with the front by September 26 at Tarnow and Gorlice just East of Krakau--Tarnow was only about 160 km (100 miles) from Kesmark--and also sent waves of refugees crashing through the Popper River valley. But the German and Austrian-Hungarian armies threw back the Russian army in Mai-June 1915. After that, there was no direct military threat, but the slow drain of young men and of food, the progressive lack of which made death rates rise. Food production was increasingly controlled by the Ministry for People's Nutrition (a.k.a Food Ministry). It would be too much to detail the agony of the Zips. I will focus on the last months of the war, based on the Karpathen-Post and other sources.

By Summer 1918, the Zips was worn out. In late September, the Food Ministry decreed that the Zips had to deliver at once 2,500 train wagons loads @5 tons of potatoes, or it be seized by force. Also, a family could have only keep one pig per five people to feed itself if they had a license. Sugar, one of the few bountiful items, was raised from 2.14 K/kg to 2.92 wholesale, hence in stores from 2.40K to 3.30K. Even matches were rationed. Local politics revolved nearly entirely in lobbying for more food. Kesmark mayor Dr. Otto Wrchovszky succeeded in getting the fat of 1,600 pigs to be rationed to the nine Zipser cities with self-government. Also, after food distribution broke down in November, and the Kesmark population had nothing for December, he persuaded the local state employees, who had received an annual allotment of flour and other foodstuff, to share these, thus preventing mass starvation (and probably the lynching of said employees by hungry mobs), according to the Karpathen-Post of November 28. Interestingly considering the times, in October-November, though half of the mountain spas were closed, Tatraszeplak, Ujtatrafured, and the sanatorium in Otatrafured, as well as some hotels in Tatralomnitz,were still with guests from Budapest. [This part is a work in progress]

6. The End after 800 Years: Slovakia became independent in March 1939. In the great European civil war between the two ideologies, its leaders allied themselves with Hitler, who was not yet a mass-murderer in 1939, rather than with Stalin, who had already murdered 15 to 20 million men, women and children by that time. The Slovak Army participated in the campaign against Poland and then against the Soviet Union. Until 1943, when a German defeat appeared possible, few Slovaks had complaints about that alliance, despite what their official history claims today.

But as the tide of war turned, in Summer 1944, there was a Communist-led partisan revolt in Central Slovakia. Over 3,000 ethnic Germans were massacred. The uprising failed. Yet, as the Soviet Army rolled nearer, Carpathian German civilians were evacuated to protect them from indiscriminate slaughter. The children of Eisdorf were evacuated to Austria on September 21, 1944, led by their teachers, the boys to Glognitz and the girls to Rabenstein. On January 10, most women and old men, as other Germans from the Zips, were evacuated with the last trains from the railroad station in Kaesmark. On January 23, the 85 men who had stayed packed their belongings on 55 carts, with 112 horses, and began a long trek through the snow-covered and wolf- and partisan-infested countryside until they reached Bischofsteinitz in the Sudetenland on February 25, having trekked for 350 miles. Once the fighting was over, they expected to be able to return to their little village. The trek left in the nick of time. German and Hungarian troops (though the Soviet imposed Hungarian puppet government, the so-called "Debrecen government," had declared war on Germany on December 21, 1944, most Hungarian troops fought with their German friends and allies to the bitter end--such as in the epic defense of Budapest till February 13, 1945)--evacuated the upper Zips between January 22 to 26. Menhard was occupied by soldiers from the Czechoslovak (Benes) army on January 27. So were the other villages, by CSR and Soviet troops.

Not all Zipser left. Many simple souls, knowing they were innocent, trusted the Allies (after all claiming to fight for Freedom & Humanity), and stayed. Many were murdered by Czech and Soviet troops. And when the war was over on May 8, 1945, the great self-anointed humanitarians who claimed to fight a "good war" allowed the Czech government to torture some, kill others in slave labor camps, and ethnically cleanse all of them from their homes of 800 years. Today, Eisdorf only survives in the memories of families, such as mine, who live in the Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, the United States and Canada.

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C. ZIPSER SPEECH

Carpathian Germans were divided by dialects that were not mutually intelligible. Pressburger German was close to Viennese, while Hauerlaender and Zipser were rather unique. In these two regions, even people from other villages could have problems communicating. In the Zips, the main difference was between the dialect of the Oberzips, called Potoksch, and the dialect of the Unterzips, called Mantakisch, while that of Kniesen and Hopgarten in the uppermost NE of the Zips was closer to Lower Silesian German. This example from the Oberzips is spelled phonetically, using standard German phonemes.

A dancing song from the Zips
From Karpatenpost June 1968, p. j1.

Wu gejst hin, wu gejst hin, du schworzes Porailchen?
En die Mihl, en die Mihl, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wos sollst du en der Mihl, du schworzes Porailchen?
Mohln, mohln, mohln, mohln, mohln, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wos sollst med Mahl dank tun, du schworzes Porailchen?
Of mein Hochz, of mein Hochz, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wann wed dein schejn Hochz sein, du schworzes Porailchen?
Wanns Mihlchen pfeift, 's Korn a"uch reift, mein liebes Frailchen.

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SOURCES ON THE ZIPS

Rudolf, Rainer, Pater, et alii, Zipser Land und Leute, (Vienna, Austria: Karpatendeutsche Landsmannschaft 1982), esp. 45-60. Wanhoff, Adalbert. "Eisdorf, ein deutsches Dorf in der Oberzips," Karpatenjahrbuch 1990, 77-88.

 

ZIPSER BELA HOMEPAGE

http://carpathiangerman.com/zipserbela.htm

ZIPSER BELA HOMEPAGE


A. WHERE IS ZIPSER BELA?

Zipser Bela, in Magyar Szepesbela, in Slovak Spisska Bela, often simply called “Bela,” or “die Bejl” in the German dialect, is a town located about 7 Kilometers (4 American miles) North of Kesmark, on the Western bank of the Popper/Poprad river in the Oberzips, the Northern part of Zips county. The Zips was part of Hungary till December 1918, then of Czechoslovakia, and today of independent Slovakia. Many inhabitants were Germans till 1945. In 2001, Zipser Bela had about 6,200 inhabitants, of which 16 (0.26%) stated they were Germans in the last census. There are probably another few who did not dare to admit their ethnicity, after 50 years of oppression.

As most other towns of the Oberzips, Bela is on the high plain between the towering Tatra mountains. Its median altitude is 631 meters, about 2,000 feet. The town’s name derives from the Bela creek, in Slavic meaning “white,” an appropriate name for the gushing whitewater creek flowing through the town. There were several such rivers in the old kingdom of Hungary, and places named for them, hence informally "Zipser" was added to Bela till it became official in the 20th century. In the local German dialect, one did not say I go "nach Bela" (to Zipser Bela) but "in die Bejl" (I go into the Bela area).

 


B. BRIEF HISTORY OF ZIPSER BELA

A. From the Beginning till 1772
The first surviving charter naming the city dates from 1263, when Bela IV, king of Hungary, awarded his faithful servant Leonhard a piece of land bordering the German town of Bela. But according to local historian Reverend Samuel Weber, a note copied from an old mass book (provided it was not misread in the Middle Ages) may indicate that Bela already had a chapel around 1072, while a 1416 court decision over a land dispute referred to a decree from 1164 fixing the boundaries of the Slavic hamlet of Bela and the German settlement of Valtendorf/ Waltendorf (for Valentinsdorf), which later was lost. The latter’s village church, St Valentin’s, was built in 1208. Eventually the Slavic and the German settlements merged (as did nearby the German Deutschendorf with the Slavic Poprad, for example). The Mongol invasion of 1242-1243 destroyed all settlements, including Bela, and virtually all documents. Few people and even fewer documents survived. Therefore, very little is known about the pre-Mongol era.

After the Mongols left, the Hungarian kings called new, mainly German, settlers to the Zips. They mixed with the few German and Slavic survivors and rebuilt towns and villages. Some settlements were built on land the king had given to nobles. Others, like Bela, were on land still owned directly by the crown. Bela received city rights in 1271. Bela had an extensive land area under its jurisdiction, for a small city, around 72 km2 (that is about. 28 square miles), including large forests and pastures for cows and sheep in the mountains. Many burghers were peasants, too, with fields outside the town. The mayor (Richter) was elected directly by the burghers, as were the 6 Geschworenen (aldermen). As the city grew, a second church, St Anthony’s, was added in 1264 to the rebuilt St Valentin’s. Bela was a member of the league of 24 Zipser cities on crownland, who paid an annual rent to the king for the land, and were otherwise not subjected to the myriad of petty taxes and labor dues burghers and peasant on noble lands owed their lord of the manor. Bela’s Catholic priest was a member of the brotherhood formed by the priests of these 24 cities. These were autonomous from the Zipser provost (Probst). As in the rest of Christian Europe, an important burden for subjects was the tithe. In Hungary, all non-nobles had to pay the real tenth of their annual income to the Catholic church, whose hierarchy also determined its local beneficiary, the priest, without input from believers, except when nobles had built and endowed the local church, making then the church “patron” with the right of veto over the bishop’s choice of a priest. But the burghers of the Zipser cities were, which was rare in Europe, the patrons of their own churches because they had built and endowed them with land, whose income paid the priest. Hence the town owned the tithe and the local parishioners elected their priest. As the tithe was generous, the priest also had a powerful economic role in the city.

In 1412, together with 12 other royal towns and the royal domain of Lublau, Bela was mortgaged to the King of Poland. The mortgage was supposed to last only for a few years, but ended only in 1772. The King of Poland appointed a governor, the Starost, to manage the income from his security deposit. He lived in the castle in Lublau (for more details see the general Zips History page). During the Polish era, Bela’s population suffered like the rest of the Zips from epidemics and famines, as well as fires. The city records noted 17 devastating fires from the 16th to the 18th centuries, notably in 1518, 1521, 1551, 1553, 1607, 1667, and 1707. The plague struck hard in 1600 (700 dead), 1622 (175 dead), 1679 (418 dead), and especially brutally in 1710. As a result, the town was smaller in the late 17th century than Eisdorf, for example, which most of the time had been smaller. In 1674, the fee from Bela’s minister to the Brotherhood was set at 3 Goldgulden, 66 Denare, while Eisdorf paid 4 Goldgulden, 20 Denare, as did Zipser Neudorf and Menhard, while Leibitz paid over 5 Goldgulden, and Leutschau 11.

The King of Poland gave the Starost a free hand as long as the money flowed regularly. Initially, the king of Poland changed Starosts at least once a generation, and kept them under some control. But in 1596, needing the support of the powerful Lubormirski family, he made them hereditary starosts of the mortgaged cities, which they remained till 1745, when that branch died out. The starostship then passed to a cadet branch of the royal Poniatowski family and then to Count Brühl. The Lubormirski owned of course much more land in the Kingdom of Poland proper. Yet, because of its strategic location at the Southern entrance to Poland, and the closeness of the Turkish threat, since the border was near Kaschau till the reconquest of Hungary in 1697, they paid close attention to the small mortgaged Zips, through their castellan in Lublau.

At first little changed for the burghers of Bela, save the address to send the royal taxes. But after a few decades, the Starost began to interfere in local affairs. In 1460, the Starost ordered that the mayors of all 13 cities be henceforth not be elected by a general assembly of all burghers, but by delegates elected by each ward, to limit the influence of poorer craftsmen. But not all interferences were negative. Greatly adding to Bela’s prosperity was the right to hold weekly local markets every Sunday, awarded by the king of Poland in 1535, and in 1607 the right to hold two annual regional fairs, on St Anthony’s Day (January 7) and St. Matthias’ Day (September 21), increased to in 3 in 1667 and 5 in 1739. This benefited Bela’s craftsmen. They formed numerous guilds since the middle ages, notably butchers, shoemakers, dressmakers, furriers, smiths and weavers. Flax was widely grown, and the linen made from it sold throughout the Hungarian Kingdom. The town was prosperous enough to build a new town hall in the 16th century. However, the city had no regular town walls, never having receiving royal permission for fortification, and for defense relied on the adjoining stout backwalls of the burgher’s barns, supplemented by wooden stockades. The town also had its own militia, and those who could afford firearms trained since 1637 in the shooting society, the Schützenverein, which existed till after World War I.

Concerning taxes, the Polish governor initially demanded only what had been due to the King of Hungary, that is from the 13 cities their share of the Zipser city league tax, which in 1412 was for them 200 currency Mark in silver annually (at the time, a good horse cost 4 Gulden, an ordinary house in Bela 12 Gulden), plus whatever was needed in case of war. This was raised to 700 Gulden in 1674, which might reflect inflation and currency changes. But the citizens were really hurt by a stream of extraordinary levies, sometimes justified with the huge cost of the Turkish wars, and sometimes simply by mailed fist. After 1541 another 300 Kuebel (one Kuebel was 125 liters, in US measures 3.57 bushels @ 35 Liters) corn had to be paid jointly by the 13 city parishes, after 1594 an additional 82 Florin in cash, and then the corn tax was doubled to 600 Kuebel (or 2,143 bushels). In 1616 a new tax of 500 gold ducats, the Podor, was imposed on the XIII cities, plus many smaller ad-hoc demands as well. The worst period was under Theodor Constantin Lubomirski, who ruled 1702-1745. He asked that the burghers start to pay annually the Nona, the 9th of all goods, which was not only a lot but also an insulting mark of servitude,. He then allowed the cities to buy themselves free of this tax for 21,000 Gulden, a very large sum, which they did. From 1714 to 1716 alone, about 181,000 Gulden were extorted from the 13 cities. The extortions ceased after 1745.

The increasing oppression from the Starost also threatened the religion of the inhabitants. The burghers of Zipser Bela traditionally had the right to elect their own priest, who then received a generous salary—but also had to pay the deacon and the school teacher, and give a number of statutory gifts to the Provost of the Zips, to the Hungarian count administering the Zips, to the king of Hungary, and now to the Polish Starost as well. The minister also had to help hosting distinguished guests of the city in his stately parish house, and wine and dine them.

After the last Catholic priest of Bela Valentin Szontagh de Bielitz died in 1545, the city elected a Lutheran priest as his successor, Laurentius Quendel (called Serpilius), who was actually a native of Bela. The whole city became Lutheran without struggle. The reformation led to more public spending on education. In the 16-17th centuries, the city school had three teachers, the rector (usually with a degree from a German university), an assistant teacher, and a cantor who taught singing. The teachers were expected to participate in the city festivities, write Latin speeches, etc., for free though the cantor received additional fees for singing in church and at funerals. In 1674, school taxes were thus: Each big house (there were 173) paid 1 Kuebel grain, each small house (102) 0.5 Kuebel, to the rector, a total of 224 Kuebel (800 US bushels), worth 220 Fl. There was no assistant teacher any more, but the rector had to pay the cantor 12 Fl., and various other school employees 23 Florin, leaving 185 Florin for him. Collective worship was a powerful expression of the town community. In 1565, the Starost had promised to respect the free exercise of religion for Lutherans in all XIII cities for an annual gift of 300 Kuebel grain from the ministers, and 100 Dukaten from each newly elected minister. The burghers of Bela worshipped fairly unmolested after that, despite various anti-Lutheran policies from the King of Hungary and the King of Poland, till the apex of the counter-reformation in the late 17th century.

In June 1671, the King of Poland ordered the confiscation of all Lutheran churches and schools, and the expulsion of all Lutheran office holders from the XIII cities. But Starost Hercalius Lubomirski did not implement the decree provided the Lutheran cities now let Catholics worship freely, help them set up churches and schools, and limit public office to Catholics. However, under pressure from the Catholic clergy, in September 1672 he had to order the expulsion of Lutheran ministers who had fled from other parts of the Zips. The pressure soon increased dramatically, as the titular lord, the King of Hungary Leopold II, now also demanded the suppression of Lutherans in the wake of the Wesselenyi-conspiracy that rocked the Hungarian kingdom. Leopold II ordered that all churches and schools, and the tithe, be given to Catholics. In Bela, the church was handed over to the Catholics and minister Johann Fontany expelled penniless with his family. Ordinary local Lutherans were not expelled and could still worship in their homes, though not without molestation from various officials. Also, the Catholic priest was now the sole public official recording births, deaths and marriages, and received the fees for it. In 1700, the Starost again allowed the cities to maintain Lutheran ministers, in Zipser Bela it was Georg Roth, a native of Bela and son-in-law of Fontany, but only for services in private homes. The Lutheran ministers had to leave town right after services ended. This was not enforced till Starost Theodor Lubormirski took power. On August 10, 1703, in Kirchdrauf, the elderly minister Samuel Platany was caught a few hours after services. The Starost had him publicly whipped out of the city, and then banned all private worship. But in 1707, for a considerable bribe, he allowed a durable compromise. Private worship was allowed and the minister could even live in the city. However, all Lutherans services had to end at 8 AM, so that all Lutheran city officials could attend Catholic services, which were mandatory for them. The city school was seized in 1674, and Lutheran children had to attend the now Catholic school. Home schooling was banned, as was sending children outside the 13 cities area for education. In 1758 Starost count Theodor Brühl allowed some Lutheran home schooling but in 1771 Starost Poniatowski banned it again.

Overall, though Poland and Hungary pursued sharp re-catholization policies, it was in the Starosts’ material interest not to harm the economic viability of the XIII cities, and to attract loyalty by being a tad more liberal than the ultra-Catholic Csaky who ruled the part of the Zips that remained under direct Hungarian rule. Incidentally, these oppressive policies did not lead many people to switch their faith, noted Reverend Samuel Weber, who from his parish registers counted about 30 adults who became Catholics from 1674 to 1781, mostly to marry, as Catholics who converted risked the death penalty.


B. From 1772 to World War I:
In 1772, the Polish administration ended. As the old medieval league of XXIV cities could not be recreated, the XIII redeemed royal cities, plus the three towns in the royal domain of Lublau, were merged as the XVI Zipser City League. Save for 1785-1790, when the district was abolished, the league retained its autonomous administration till 1876. However, they had to give up their Saxon inheritance law (which preserved property in the hands of one heir) for Hungarian law, were everything was divided among all. Initially, Maria Theresia’s rule brought more restrictions to local Lutherans. But after Joseph II issued in 1781 his patent tolerating the Lutheran (and other) religions, allowing them to keep their own parish records, the Lutheran parish of Zipser Bela was organized in 1782. The parish was joined by the peasants of the nearby villages of Kreutz (Keresztfalu in Magyar, Krizova Ves in Slovak) and Nehre (in Magyar Nagyor, in Slovak Strazky), whose noble landowners, the Lutheran family Horvath Stansith de Gradecz, preferred to affiliate their Lutheran peasants with Bela rather than have to create and endow separate parishes. Kreutz had been a German village till the late 17th century, but was now Slovak, while Nehre was still German, and as late as 1930 to 65%. The Bela Lutheran parish registers begin with 1783. The Bela Lutherans now collected 3,000 Gulden to build a church, and also did much of the labor themselves. Begun in 1784 on three plots donated by the Schmeiss, Gulden and Kaltstein families, the Lutheran church was inaugurated 1786. Yet the Catholic county officials hindered them often. In 1818 the parish built a Totenhaus in its corner of the cemetery. The county authorities had it torn down, and also forbade the creation of a Lutheran poor house in 1832. Also, St Anthony’s still held the right to tithe all burghers, no matter their confession, till the right was redeemed in 1848 for 1,800 Gulden.

The attitude of the Catholic county administration also affected the school after 1772. First the Hungarian officials simply forbade Lutheran schools, claiming they were bound to honor Poniatowski’s edict. Then, in 1780, “national schools” (public grade schools with a national curriculum) were created, in theory non-denominational except for religion and singing provided by the respective Catholic and Lutheran parishes. But in practice only Catholic teachers were hired. In 1785, Josef II allowed Lutheran schools, and the local Lutherans opened their own grade school. In 1802, teacher Martin Lang received a free apartment in the school house and use of a vegetable patch, 150 Gulden (Florin, Fl.) in cash and 6 Metzen corn, mainly rye, (10.71 bushel), 8 Klafter firewood (a Klafter had 3 cubic meters, or 83% of a US cord, it was 6 2/3rd cords total), but he had to cut and cart the logs himself. He also received sundry fees from each child, such as a 10 Kreuzer registration fee and a 6 Kreuzer on his name day and certain holidays, altogether estimated by Samuel Weber at 50 Fl. over the year. The teacher had to substitute for the minister if the latter was sick for free, but earned additional money by doing the organizational work at funerals, incl. writing the funeral oration. If he had the training (and strength) to also work as the parish cantor, he could earn another 80 Fl. salary, plus fees for organizing the singing at marriages and funerals. In 1842 mandatory Latin was dropped from the grade school curriculum, but drawing, geometry, mapmaking, gymnastics, and Hungarian, added to it and the teaching method changed from rote learning to more active student learning.

The aftermath of the revolution of 1848/49 brought full legal equality, and also led to a change of attitude among the local Catholic Magyar nobles who enforced that law. Local Germans, in Zipser Bela and elsewhere, had supported the Magyar revolutionaries against the Hapsburgs. After the revolution was over, Bela Lutheran minister Karl Maday was even briefly jailed (He later became bishop). The Catholic Hungarian nobles took note. And so religious strife lessened over time and in 1870 the Bela Lutherans gave up their parish school to join the reformed public school, which also hired the four Lutheran teachers. After 1870 grade school teachers were lavishly paid, receiving still free lodging with a large garden, but now 400 Gulden in cash (US-$ 160 then), 12 Klafter firewood (about 10 US cords), with free cutting and carting now, and still a small cash gift from each child on name day. They were morally expected to be active in their parish, but not forced anylonger to act as clerical help to the minister. However, they now were expected to be agents of Magyarization. Two important persons in Bela during that era were Rev. Samuel Weber (1835 Poprad-1908 Bela), Lutheran minister in Bela from 1861 to 1908, and his successor Franz Ratzenberger (1863 Schwedler-1930). Both were literary active and wrote on local history as well. Weber was honored by the city in 2008. Unfortunately in the exhibit the names of his family were “Slovakized” though his ancestors were all Zipser Saxons, giving a misleading impression of how he saw himself.

The economic situation of Bela remained good throughout the 19th century, despite a devastating fire in 1828, and four Cholera outbreaks, 1831 (85 dead), 1856 (a smaller number), 1866 (45 dead), and 1873 (65 dead). From 1783 to 1793, Bela had accepted 199 craftsmen as new burghers, after showing that they had completed their regular journeyman training, then wandered for 3 years, had done their masterpiece, and were financially able to set up a household. While many were relatives of existing burghers, others were new to the town and long-lasting boost for its economy. In the 17th century, several mineral springs located 1.5 km (a mile) from the city had been discovered, and became Bad Zipser Bela (Belianske Kupele), locally famous for helping with arthritis, gout and skin conditions. By 1881, the city developed 2 miles upmountain the new resort of Hoehlenhain (Grove at the cave, because of the nearby cave Belaer Tropfsteinhoehle), in Magyar Barlangliget, in Slovak today Tatranska Kotlina. Another new industry was tanning, and the distilling of a local gin (Borovic^ka) that had originated in nearby Liptau Megye. As Andrej Novak noted, home brewing for sale was still important, too. In 1812, of 400 houses in the city, (many of which were not burgher houses), 29 used their burgher brewing rights. In the second half of the 19th century, several new industries came. Factories were opened to make flaxy canvas (1869), starch (1878), bricks, lumber, the liqueur factory Kleinberger (1875), the breweries Szimonisz (1870) and Reich (1872), a plant making smoking tobacco (1892), a distillery for industrial alcohol (1902), etc. A further boost came from the building of a train branch from Kesmark to Zipser Bela in 1892.

The town’s prosperity supported numerous associations. The shooting club of 1637 still had 95 members in 1845. There was a theatre club (1870), the Belaer Chor (1862), hunting club (1860), fishing club (1889), voluntary fire brigade (1878), sports club (1910) and many others. The Faschingsverein (founded around 1900) created a lively mardi-gras, with up to 4,000 tourists coming to town to watch the parade. Yet there was a change of spirit in the meetings. Till the 1880s, a meeting of local “Bejler” might begin, reflecting their genuine love of their Hungarian homeland, with the magyar shout “Eljen” (for Eljen a Kiraly, long live the King) and the pious wish, to please any Magyar government officials, that someday in the (far, far) future all Hungarian citizens would speak Magyar as their mother-tongue. Then the Bejler would happily continued in the local Potoksch German dialect. Now, civic leaders enforced Magyar through legal pressure and social mobbing. In 1855, according to Samuel Weber, there were 81 inhabitants speaking Slovak and 6 Magyar at home--and 2,225 German inhabitants. The population was 96% German. But then emigration and Magyarization, together with the hiring of Slovaks for the new factories—they worked for less than the sons of German burghers and craftsmen--cut that number. As Erich Fausel noted in 1926, citizens declaring that their household language was German dropped to 1,889 (or 72.8% of 2,589) in 1880 and 1,242 (43.1% of 2,887) in 1910, rising to 53.8% (1,557) of 2,894 in 1919 as some Magyarized Germans returned to their roots. But the trend was towards Slovak. The Karpathen-Post reported that in 1912, of 94 live births, 64 had been Slovaks, 25 German, 5 Magyars. (16 Jan 1913). In terms of religion, in 1877, there were 827 Catholics, 36 Greek Catholics, 1,605 Lutherans, 10 Reformed and 111 Jews.

Looking through old copies of the weekly Karpathen-Post, one glimpses in the last years before the war also an active local democracy. In November 1910 for example, in the elections for the county legislature, a majority of voters in Bela voted, with Dr. Friedrich Gabriel receiving 184 votes, Armin Mayer 174 votes, Michael Neupauer 124 votes. There may have been other candidates, too. The Gabriel clan was very active in local politics, including in the city council, which had 12 elected aldermen. The town’s prosperity was envied by its neighbors, as the budget was entirely paid by income from the town’s forests and other ventures, such as the brickyard and spa. Only Kesmark was in the similar happy situation of not needing to levy city taxes. Income and expenses were predictable. The projected budget for 1914 was 171,545 Kronen, of which 76,938 came from the forest, 9,005 from the brickyard, 16,838 from the spa, 21,972 from interest on bonds. Expenses were 165,125 Kronen, with expenses for forestry 24,846, brickyard 7,880, spa 10,000. The city payroll proper was 47,510, office supplies 2,374, upkeep of city buildings 18,710, sanitation and city veterinarian 3,495, local help for schools and churches 10,658 (Karpathen-Post 17 Nov 1910, 4 Dec.1913). The future seemed predictable. But it was not to be.

In August 1914, World War I broke out between the Central Powers and the Entente. By November 1918, the Central Powers were defeated. Austria-Hungary was cut into pieces by the revenge-mad victors, who created the foundation for a new world war. After the Armistice,and upon learning of the surrender of their country to the Czech separatists who had been supported by the victors, Hungarian troops and administration slowly retreated. On December 15, 1918, Polish and Czech troops faced each other before Kesmark over conflicting claims to the Oberzips. The Czechs won. They occupied Bela, too. Without moving, the citizens of Bela had become part of a new country whose elite was hostile to them and as early as 1919 hoped to get rid of the non-Slavic native population.

 


C: The End: From the Annexation by the CSR to the Ethnic Cleansing 1945:
The main developments of Carpathian German life under the CSR can be read in the main section on history. For Bela, a blow was losing city status in 1922 and the partition of the historic Zips Megye/Zupa in 1923. The German population dwindled while the overall population grew. In 1930, of 3,690 inhabitants, 2,161 were Slovaks, 1,269 Germans, 41 ethnic Jews, 31 Magyars, and 10 Ruthenians. In 1940, the town had 3,706 inhabitants. The Catholic services were in Slovak and German, Lutheran services in German. Bela became the headquarters of the local district of the Deutscher Kulturverein, with 13 local branches in 1925. Overall, the KDV had 4 districts and 50 branches in the Zips.

In the 1920s, the Wintergasse in Zipser Bela looked like this.

Still, Carpathian German life continued. My mother, as a child, in the late 1930s and 1940s, visited often her aunt Emma Teltsch, born Alexy, who had married the widowed former mayor Arthur Teltsch. She was the oldest surviving child of Rev. Matthias Alexy from Eisdorf, my greatgrandfather. Matthias Alexy’s wife Julianne Schmeiss, also spelled Schmeisz, was herself from an old Zipser Bela family. My mother recalled the Simonis family, with the brewery, who were in-law relations, having married other Alexy cousins. In the USA, there was my aunt (a few times removed) Liesel Hentschel, born Alexy, from Eisdorf, whose husband Emil Hentschel was from Zipser Bela. As it turned out, they were in-laws of the Simonis as well, and share more than half of my Zipser Bela ancestral surnames, too. The Oberzips was a small world.

Most Carpathian Germans were Lutherans. The parish had in the early 1940s 841 members, plus 112 in Nehre and 270 in the “Diaspora,” including Kreutz. The last minister, 1931 to Jan. 1945, was Georg Hirschmann (1904 Pressburg-1966 Stuttgart), the parish inspector was August Rissdorfer, the cantor for Zipser Bela was Julius Roth and for Nehre Ladislaus Buchalla. Between November and January 1945 about 850 Germans were evacuated to prevent a massacre by the Red Army and the returning Beneshists. Those who stayed, or returned, often died in camps or were murdered. By 1947 most remaining survivors were resettled to other places in Slovakia. Rev. Michael Holko (1866 Pressburg-1960 Deutschendorf), who had administered the parish in 1930-31, was able to stay (though his children not) and served as administrator of the Lutheran church till he had to retire in 1947. The historic Zipser Bela is gone. As a result, though there are a dozen local Germans left, they have no presence, no power to reclaim their past.

 


D. Zipser Bela Today:
Bela regained city status in 1965, but lost the vast majority of its land, with part of it returned in 1993, so that the city area has nearly 34 km2 today. The village of Nehre (Strazky) was merged with Bela in 1972. Spisska Bela, which I visited first in 2006, is today a nice town with many renovated old burgher homes. But the people who descended from its builders are gone. What remains?

As noted earlier, there were scarcely any native Slovaks in the city in 1855, and most of the Slovaks living there in 1945 had moved there at best one or two generations earlier. A new batch of settlers in 1947 were Ruthenian Greek Catholics from Lendak, which had burned in 1947. Instead of rebuilding the remote village, the authorities simply moved the peasants to the empty German homes in Bierbrunn and Zipser Bela. Other settlers came from further North, Zdiar and and the Zamagursky area, and often were Ruthenian and Greek-Orthodox, though now in a process of Slovakization as well. Historically, they often were friendly to Germans, and that is crucial for how they deal with the remnants of the Zipser Bela’s German past.

After the end of Communism, which used Czech nationalism to make itself more attractive, the city created a museum for native sons Josef Petzval (1807-1891), a pioneer in photography, and Michael Greisiger (1854-1912). I’m not sure if the exhibits always point out that when alive, the two were neither Slovaks nor German-Slovaks (as Carpathian Germans are sometimes mislabeled today—a German Slovak is someone with mixed German and Slovak ancestry, not a German from an area only since a century called "Slovakia"), but Magyarophile Zipser Saxons. A Slovak-language history of the town was published in 2006, which, according to informed readers, is fairly accurate in most parts. In an interview in the Karpatenblatt, Primator Dr. Stefan Bielak stated that he was very positive on the German history of the city. The sister city partnership with Brück/Austria, where many deported Zipser live, helps to remind the current inhabitants of who lived there before.

EISDORF/ZIPS HOMEPAGE

http://carpathiangerman.com/eisdorf.htm

EISDORF/ZIPS HOMEPAGE

C. HISTORY OF EISDORF

1. General outline:

Eisdorf is located in the valley of the Popper River. Probably at the end of the 12th century, two villages were founded in the township of Eisdorf, Eisdorf and the hamlet of Klein-Eisdorf 3 km away. The first surviving mention of Eisdorf is from a charter of 1209. The village name in German, Magyar and Slovak indicate that a man called Isaac was the founder (in medieval German, Isaac was pronounced like in English, with Ei instead of German I, and at some point the middle syllable dropped from Eisackssdorf, while in Slovak, the first syllable got dropped). After the Mongol invasion of 1241 Eisdorf was rebuilt but Klein-Eisdorf not. Eisdorf belonged to the Zipser Staedtebund from the very beginning. Several historians believe that the settlers of Eisdorf came from the Eisacktal in South Tyrol, (Rudolf, 78) including the ancestors of my own mother's family, the Alexy (then called Haering). Eisdorf belonged to the Zipser Bund, which means that the village, which had at its heyday at most 500 people, had city status. The township of Eisdorf since the middle ages had an area of 3635 Joch (a Joch has 5700 square meters, an acre 4040, a Joch is 1.41 acres). The village had an area of 5125 acres or about 8 square miles. By 1944, the distribution was 75% fields, 14% forests, the rest meadows, gardens and the village.

The Eisdorfer suffered from the catastrophes that shook the area. For non-nobles, life was not fun in a feudal society in the best of cases. But here, the Czech Hussites came and plundered and murdered in the 15th century. In the 16th, they were followed by the Ottoman Turks, who though stopped 20 miles south of Eisdorf, conducted regular raids northward until decisively beaten between 1686 and 1699. Eisdorf had become Lutheran in 1542. In 1672, the government banned Lutheran parishes. In November 1672, Imperial troops plundered the village, in February 1709 the rebel Kurutzen, and in May 1709 the troops of Prince Rakoczy. After that, enemy troops would not come to the village till 1945, though the young men had to suffer in far-away wars.

Eisdorf also suffered from devastating fires. The village has no riverfront or fire pond, and so fires could not be quenched in time. In 1717, 1869, 1873, 1882, 1892, 1919, 1927, 1931 and 1937, large chunks of the village burned, destroying also the stored harvest and creating famine. There also were illnesses and epidemics. In 1558, 1600, 1646 and 1710, the plague struck. In the year 1700, 73 men, 67 women and 25 children, or 165 people, a third of the village, died of the plague. The cholera was less deadly, but still...in 1831, 34 people died of the cholera, in 1855 44 people, in 1914 10 people.

2. The village economy

Even when the plague (Pest), Cholera and war did not threaten, the life of the Eisdorf peasant was not easy. Most of the villagers were Untertanen, the remainder Besitzlose. The peasants were differentiated according to whether they owned the rights to a full farm (64 Joch, that is 90 american acres, or 36.5 hectar), a half or a quarter farm. In 1821, there were 105 full and 28 half-sized farms. The peasants made fruit brandy and homespun linen. Otherwise, there were no crafts. However, in 1944, the village counted a carpenter, smith, merchant and innkeep.

The village had comparatively few meadows, and so there was not much cattle. The majority of grasslands was owned in common, with hay cut only once a year because the soil was poor. But geese and sheep, which could be feld in the scrubland, were kept in larger numbers. The fields were planted according to the three-fields rule, each peasant having a long strip in each third, the rotation of the crops (potatoes, wheat, then rye) being decided by the village elders. Every five years, to allow the thin soil to regenerate, all fields were used as pasture. After 1848 the farmers were not legally bound anylonger to cooperate in the three fields system, but continued to do so because this way of farming was necessary until fertilizers became more available--but they were not cheap.

In the 16th century, Eisdorf, like the other members of the Zipser Staedtebund that were not mortgaged to Poland, was now too weak to protect its liberties, and was assigned to the estates of the noble family (Counts) Csaky. For the right to use a full farm (90 American acres), a peasant family now owed the Csaky family annually until 1848:

  • 52 days of unpaid labor (robot) by one adult man with horses or 104 days without horses
  • Cutting and bringing to the castle one large waggon load of firewood, for free
  • One Gulden in cash, and 2 chicken, 2 roosters, 12 eggs, a half crock of rendered pigfat (Schweineschmalz), and for each 20 farms one fat calf
  • Wenn the count or the countess marry, the taxes are doubled for that year
This farm labor had to be done at the same time the peasant family needed to do them, too. As Adalbert Wanhoff notes, when he was young his grandparents told of the days when before 1848, when, as small children, they worked with their parents at harvest time from 3 AM in the morning to 10 PM at night, to bring in the Csaky's harvest and then their own, and sometimes even throughout the night.

In addition, each farm had to pay several kinds of taxes to the king/state, plus the tenth to the Catholic Church, which was the state church, and a city tax. I'm still trying to understand the particulars of some of these taxes (Portengeld, notably):

  • The Gemeindesteuer (city tax)
  • The tenth of the harvest to the Catholic Church until 1781 (despite the fact that most Eisdorfer were Lutherans)
  • The Mautpflicht
  • The Korbgeld
  • The Portengeld
  • The Salzfuhr (Salt tax, salt being a state monopoly with each household being required to buy a set amount at a set price)
In 1848, the robot, the tenth and the payments of wood and chicken were cancelled, and the peasants became full owners of their homesteads. The fact that by 1848, most Eisdorf peasants still owned a full 64-Joch farm (not common then in the Zips) explains the relative wealth of the village in the second half of the 19th century, before full distribution to all male heirs (prohibited before 1848--only one got the farm), left small farms that could not feed their owners.

 


3. Village administration The city administration consisted of a Richter and Geschworene. In today's German, this means a judge assisted by a jury, but in the old German cities of the Hungarian kingdom, a Richter was a mayor and a Geschworener an alderman, because the city council also acted as justice of the peace. A true judge was a Stuhlrichter (a sitting judge). In Eisdorf, the mayor was elected annually in the church yard. As Justice of the Peace, the mayor had quite a lot of power over his fellow villagers. The mayor also managed the village cemetary (for both Protestants and Catholics), the village commons (meadows and forest in the mountains), the village ice cellar, and the village butcher yard. The communal properties were used after the abolishing of serfdom in 1848, in fact most survived till 1945 because they made more sense than everyone puttering in his corner.

4. Living on the farm The lifestyle of the village of my ancestors was rough. The climate did not allow large gardens. Hence, vegetables and fruit were uncommon at meals. As Adalbert Wannhof remembered from his youth in the 1930s, farmers breakfasted with hot sweet milk-coffee and bread and butter. There was a second, more substantial, breakfast at 9 AM. Food was simple. Because there were few meadows and gardenland, vegetables and milk were not plentiful. The staple for breakfast, lunch and dinner was the potato, cooked in ingenious ways, and served with bacon or some milk product.

Life was characterized by ceaseless labor to eke out a living from a harsh land, even after the Robot for count Csaky had ended. Houses were seen not as homes in a romantic sense, but as mere dwellings, with the limited resources being rather put into improving the stalls rather than the living room. After the large farms began to be subdivided, the large homes became cramped--even though the number of villagers dwindled. Usually, the large farmsteads were inhabited by the parents and several adult children, including married children.

Looking at old birth registers, it is noticable that many births up to the 1930s were stillbirths, because pregnant women worked as long as they could on the fields. The birthrate began to drop after the 1880s, with the average number of children born to a married woman surviving her entire fertility cycle dropping from the usual 10 to 15 of the mid-19th century to 5 to 8. Below a picture from the 1930s.

5. Population: In 1700, the population was about 500 people.
In 1921, the census counted 608 people, of which 582 were German, 10 Slovaks, 4 Magyars, 2 ethnic Jews and 10 others. By religion, 420 were Lutherans, 167 Catholics, 2 Jewish.
In 1930, the census counted 641 people. Of these 624 were German, 10 Slowaks, 2 Magyars, 3 ethnic Jews, 2 other. By religion, 428 were Lutheran, 207 Catholic, 3 Jewish, 3 other.

6. For the Spirit: Churches and Schools: The Catholic St Nicolas' church was built in the 13th century, (oft modified) and has parish registers beginning with 1672. Many Eisdorfer became Lutheran in 1542. The list of all Lutheran ministers has been kept. But Catholicism was the state religion. Until 1782, Lutherans could worship only in a few churches. Births and death of Lutherans in Eisdorf were registered at the Catholic parish until 1782, then at the Lutheran church was in nearby Menhardsdorf (Vrbov). Around 1830, a Lutheran church was built in Eisdorf, and a parish book begun in 1850. For a list of archival material, see below.

In the 19th century, the two parishes organized parish grade schools. In the 20th century, a kindergarten was built as well.

There were not many societies. There was a Lutheran Maennergesangverein (male glee club) and a relief society (Bruderverein). Every 24th June, St John's Day, the "brothers" shared the "Bruderbier." In city hall, there was a small public library with smoking room, the "Casino." Young men also joined the volunteer firefighters.

Not much is known about the Jews of Eisdorf. Their births and deaths were not recorded in either the Catholic or Lutheran records. Until Jewish emancipation in the mid-19th century, Jews were confined to small trading and peddling, and moneylending, and Eisdorf was too small to host a larger, permanent group of such Jewish residents, unlike nearby Hunsdorf, from whence Jewish peddlers came to Eisdorf for business. In the late 19th-early 20th century, some stayed long enough to have children born in Eisdorf, though most did not stay long in the village, according to Yad Vashem records online. In 1858 Eduard Low was born to Ernestina Low, no father named. He then lived in Deutschendorf/Poprad. Other Jewish births listed for Eisdorf/Zips were Jakob Winkler (1880), Andre Ben Yirmiyahu (1888), Schlomo Bugler (1905), Jakob (1901) and Margita (1910), Feuermann, children of Tzvi and Zhana Feuermann, who seem to have been long-term residents, Malvina Friedmann (1918), Laszlo Bass (1921). Also, Iliya Langer was a merchant in Eisdorf till 1944. I welcome any more details about the history of Jews in Eisdorf and Zipser Bela.

7. The End after 800 Years: Slovakia became independent in March 1939. In the great European civil war between the two ideologies, its leaders allied themselves with Hitler, who was not yet a mass-murderer in 1939, rather than with Stalin, who had already murdered 15 to 20 million men, women and children by that time. The Slovak Army participated in the campaign against Poland and then against the Soviet Union. Until 1943, when a German defeat appeared possible, few Slovaks had complaints about that alliance, despite what their official history claims today.

But as the tide of war turned, in Summer 1944, there was a Communist-led partisan revolt in Central Slovakia. Over 3,000 ethnic Germans were massacred. The uprising failed. Yet, as the Soviet Army rolled nearer, Carpathian German civilians were evacuated to protect them from indiscriminate slaughter. The children of Eisdorf were evacuated to Austria on September 21, 1944, led by their teachers, the boys to Glognitz and the girls to Rabenstein. On January 10, most women and old men, as other Germans from the Zips, were evacuated with the last trains from the railroad station in Kaesmark. On January 23, the 85 men who had stayed packed their belongings on 55 carts, with 112 horses, and began a long trek through the snow-covered and wolf- and partisan-infested countryside until they reached Bischofsteinitz in the Sudetenland on February 25, having trekked for 350 miles. Once the fighting was over, they expected to be able to return to their little village. The trek left in the nick of time. German and Hungarian troops (though the Soviet imposed Hungarian puppet government, the so-called "Debrecen government," had declared war on Germany on December 21, 1944, most Hungarian troops fought with their German friends and allies to the bitter end--such as in the epic defense of Budapest till February 13, 1945)--evacuated the upper Zips between January 22 to 26. Menhard was occupied by soldiers from the Czechoslovak (Benes) army on January 27. So were the other villages, by CSR and Soviet troops.

Not all Zipser left. Many simple souls, knowing they were innocent, trusted the Allies (after all claiming to fight for Freedom & Humanity), and stayed. Many were murdered by Czech and Soviet troops. And when the war was over on May 8, 1945, the great self-anointed humanitarians who claimed to fight a "good war" allowed the Czech government to torture some, kill others in slave labor camps such as the castle in Kesmark, and ethnically cleanse all of them from their homes of 800 years. Today, Eisdorf only survives in the memories of families, such as mine, who live in the Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, the United States and Canada. Two families remained due to illness, and the Cathoplic priest, Rev. Pataky (died 1947). The village was resettled by Slovaks and Ruthenes. While individual Eisdorfer visited the village in the 1960s, as a group surviving Eisdorfer and their descendants visited their village in May 2006 and July 2009, led by Albert Gotthardt, and the elders made peace with the current dwellers of their homes in a moving ceremony for the 800th anniversary of the first surviving mention of the village. Think how hard that was. I'm not sure I could do it, nor did our Slovak tour guide, a lovely young lady who both times guided us with heart and understanding. As a group, we wrote a beautiful village history that reflected our ancestor's world. The Slovak side wrote also a book.

 


E. PHOTOS FROM EISDORF

Eisdorf Today

Geschichte der Deutschen in Oberstuben (Hauerland)

http://www.geburtig.de/

CARPATHIAN GERMAN LIFE AND CULTURE

http://carpathiangerman.com/cities.htm

CARPATHIAN GERMAN LIFE AND CULTURE

  Folkways/Cooking Cities Dialects  

CARPATHIAN GERMAN CELEBS

Most Germans in Slovakia were hardworking farmers and craftsmen. The elite was Magyar for a 1000 years. And so not many Carpathian Germans had access to higher education and the economic and political power needed to become noticable in the world. 

FOLKWAYS/COOKING

Folk Costume from the Zips.

There is an excellent English-language article on Zipser folk costume by Karin Gottier, "The Costume of Zipser Germans" in VILTIS: A Magazine of Folklore and Folk Dance, vo. 47 No. 4 (December 1988), 5-10, Christmas, p. 19, and dances, p.20.
If you need a copy, the address of the magazine was then P.O. Box 1226, Denver, CO 80201.

Familynames/Housenames. In many areas of medieval Southern Germany, large farms had names, usually one derived from the first family that lived there, but not always. Very often, since peasants did not have well-defined family names until the late middle ages, a new family moving in was called according to their house. After the middle-ages, the habit remained though legal surnames now existed. In most of the German area, as well as most of the Zips and Hauerland, housenames became akin to a semi-official nickname: Legal records would state that so-and-so (real name), known in the community as (alias the housename), etc. Even when locals used exclusively the housename in their dealings with each other, there was a legal surname as well. But in some places, like Muennichwies (today Vricko) in the Hauerland, an isolated mountain village founded in 1450 in the uppermost Neutra Valley, the medieval usage continued. Until the late 19th century the husband marrying into a farm (when taking it over) legally received the housename, and it was used exclusively in all church entries about him and his children.

(from Johann Lasslob, in Heimatblatt Mai/June 2000, p. 5-6)

Cooking. Joachim Geburtig has a home page (in German) with recipes from Oberstuben in the Hauerland at Recipes.

 


CARPATHIAN GERMAN PLACES

This part is in the planning stages. Webpages about individual cities are:

 

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CARPATHIAN GERMAN SPEECH

Carpathian Germans were divided by dialects that were not mutually intelligible, as these examples show. Pressburger German was close to Viennese. The other two were rather unique. These short pieces of Zipser, Hauerlaender and Pressburger dialect are spelled phonetically, using standard German phonemes.

A dancing song from the Zips
From Karpatenpost June 1968, p. j1.

Wu gejst hin, wu gejst hin, du schworzes Porailchen?
En die Mihl, en die Mihl, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wos sollst du en der Mihl, du schworzes Porailchen?
Mohln, mohln, mohln, mohln, mohln, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wos sollst med Mahl dank tun, du schworzes Porailchen?
Of mein Hochz, of mein Hochz, mein liebes Frailchen.
Wann wed dein schejn Hochz sein, du schworzes Porailchen?
Wanns Mihlchen pfeift, 's Korn a"uch reift, mein liebes Frailchen.

Mei Gellenztol
From the Hauerland, only first and last strophes. In Hauerlander, German "w" becomes "b," like Welt becomes Belt. From Karpatenpost September 1968, p, K1.

Bie ho mei Gellenztol ich gean
En liebsten off da Belt
met all sein Ta"len ond Gepia"gn
met all sein Bald ond Feld....
Es Volk es stark, es fromm ond gutt
ond liebt sein freien Stand
Bie ho mein Gellenztol ich gean
mei teua Votaland

Ein Hauerlied aus Pressburg A wintner's song from Pressburg, only first strophe. From Karpatenpost Sept. 1968, p. j1.

Kaum kraht da Hohn die Moargenstund, do steht da Haua auf,
geht lusti u"ba Beach und Tol, is munta und wohlauf.
Di Sunn is sei Begleiterin von fru"ah bis in di Nocht,
wonn sie aus Osten freindli strohlt, he Leit, des is a Procht!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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